Raman's Pashtun Belt Database

MUMBAI 26/11: A DAY OF INFAMY

2009-07-13T20:01:00.000-07:00

MY FORTHCOMING FIFTH BOOK

FOR ENQUIRIES, PLEASE CONTACT:

bharat verma@lancerpublishers.com

OR LOOK FOR ANNOUNCEMENT AT

www.lancerpublishers.com

SWAT:PREMATURE CLAIMS OF VICTORY

2009-07-13T19:56:00.000-07:00

Claiming 'victory' too early

Tuesday, July 14, 2009
Rahimullah Yusufzai

A day after the ruling Awami National Party (ANP) declared "victory" in Malakand Division and its provincial president Afrasiyab Khattak congratulated his party leaders on what in his view was a successful military campaign in Swat, Buner and Dir, three ANP workers, and cousins – Shamsher Ali Khan, Gohar Ali Khan and Usman Ali Khan – were killed by Taliban militants in Malikpur village near the shrine of the famous saint Pir Baba in Buner district. Gohar Ali Khan's brother, Jamil Ali Khan, had been kidnapped a month ago and the militants are demanding Rs10 million as ransom for his release.

This was surely embarrassing for the NWFP government. But by then there was one more embarrassing news circulating in Peshawar and the rest of the province. Rather, the news had spread to the whole country and beyond, and was also being discussed on the Facebook. The houses of two senior journalists from Buner had been torched and their families rendered shelterless in their ancestral villages. On the night of July 8-9, the spacious nine-room house of Geo TV correspondent Behroz Khan was put on fire in Balo Khan village near Pir Baba town after having been looted by the militants. The same night, in the nearby Polan village, the newly-built house of Rahman Bunairee, associated with the Pashto-language Deewa Radio of the Voice of America and the AVT Khyber television channel, was demolished with explosives.

Houses are built with love and lots of money. Often, life savings are spent on building a house. One loses so much if deprived of one's home. Imagine the house of your dreams being burned to ashes or dynamited and turned into rubble. One was relieved to know that Rahman Bunairee's family wasn't harmed by the 60-or-so armed men who introduced themselves as Taliban and, rather intriguingly, told them in polite words to vacate the house before it was blown up with expertly planted explosives. The shocked family members have now joined Rahman Bunairee in Karachi, where he is based. In Behroz Khan's case, he had wisely shifted his family to Peshawar sometime back. The militants subsequently occupied his home and used it as a base before looting everything that could be carted away and breaking the goods that were immoveable. His family suffered another huge loss when its privately-owned forest was burnt down by the security forces fearing the forest could be used by the militants as a hideout. The forest was the family's labour of love because every tree had been tended.

While on the subject of forests, it would take a while to calculate the losses inflicted upon the environment as a result of the militancy and military operations in Buner, Swat, Dir, Shangla and the rest of Malakand Division. Stretches of forests caught fire and turned into ashes when the artillery shelled or bombed landed there. The fires thus started have raged uncontrollably in the forests in summers. Villagers in the Salarzai area in Buner and in the bordering villages in Mardan district narrate how the thick forest in Namser on the Buner side and in Sangahu towards Mardan was burned this summer following a military action against the militants. Mountain communities in Malakand Division and the tribal areas, dependant to some extent on forests for their means of livelihood, are certainly heading for a life of more poverty, timber prices will rise due to supply shortages and the wildlife is getting deprived of habitat. Afghanistan, particularly its forested southern and eastern provinces such as Paktia, Paktika, Khost, Kunar, Nuristan, Laghman and Nangarhar, lost its forests due to decades of war and lawlessness and Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province, which area-wise had the largest forests in the country, is now facing the same fate.

Behroz Khan and Rahman Bunairee are the latest in the long list of journalists who have suffered human and material losses as a result of the conflict in the NWFP. Those who have paid with their lives include Amir Nawab Wazir and Allah Noor Wazir in South Waziristan, Hayatullah in North Waziristan, Noor Hakim and Ibrahim Jan in Bajaur, Naseer Afridi in Darra Adamkhel and Sirajuddin, Qari Shoaib, Abdul Aziz and Musa Khankhel in Swat. Others lost a family member or were shot and injured and many were forced to move from their place of work to safer places. Some had no choice but to give up the profession or agree to work on the terms dictated by the militants and the government.

Pursuing honest and truthful journalism has become the most risky job in the Frontier, more so in the tribal borderland where there is rule of the gun.

Behroz Khan fearlessly spoke for his journalist colleagues when he remarked that that the destruction of his house wasn't going to break his resolve and deter him from performing his professional obligations. In his words, the enemy was faceless but journalists were required to speak the truth under any circumstances. Rahman Bunairee, who like many residents of Buner took pride in identifying himself as a Buneri, Bunerwal or Bunairee, was also unaware about the identity of those who targeted him and destroyed his house. He remembered having criticised both the militants and the government, the former for inflicting suffering on the people of Buner, Swat and elsewhere, and the latter for its failure to protect the life and honour of the population and look after the needs of the displaced persons.

However, it is obvious that those in the habit of harming journalists are sending a strong message that the journalists must fall in line or face the consequences. The militants have openly threatened members of the media, and their anger against journalists is boiling over in view of their falling support among the masses and lesser coverage compared to the past in newspapers and on radio and television. For obvious reasons, the journalists are also scared of the intelligence agencies and critical of the government and the security forces for imposing a media blackout in the conflict areas. They find themselves helpless in doing a proper job while reporting the conflict. Unafraid to risk their lives and willing to travel to the frontlines of the ongoing war, they could do a far better job despite lacking in resources, training and support from the media organisations.

In fact, greater media access to the conflict zones would provide a credible portrayal of the situation and help remove the cloud of doubts regarding the military operations and the claims about the army's battleground achievements.

Instead of declaring premature victory, the ANP leadership should admit that the war is not over yet and that it is going to be long and bitter. There is no harm in conceding that the situation is still precarious, that the Taliban leadership in Swat and the rest of Malakand region has largely survived the military action. The incapacity and inefficiency of the provincial and federal governments in coping with the issue of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) should also be conceded. Instead of downplaying the challenge, it will be better to highlight the enormous task of repatriating and rehabilitating the IDPs and providing them the much-needed security in their villages and towns.

More than 150 ANP workers were reportedly killed in Swat alone during the past two years of violence and now they are also being targeted in Buner. Earlier, many ANP members had publicly dissociated themselves from the party in Swat, Malakand Agency and other places in the area to escape harm at the hands of the militants. The insecurity felt by the ruling party workers would scare away common people from supporting the government and the security forces. And the much-publicised attacks against members of the media would send home the message that anyone critical of the militants could expect the same fate. This is just a glimpse of the uncertain situation prevailing in the conflict areas. Those pronouncing the start of the repatriation process of the IDPs as a signal of victory would be well-advised to keep their celebrations on hold, as it isn't over yet.NEWS 14-7-09

The writer is resident editor of The News in Peshawar. Email: rahimyusufzai@yahoo.com

SWAT: ARMY CAUGHT IN A QUAGMIRE

2009-07-08T08:22:00.000-07:00

Swat offensive seen slow, but on track

ISLAMABAD:

The offensive against the Taliban in Swat is taking longer than expected, but that is unlikely to deflect the military from its plans, nor – for now – undercut public support for the action. The army went on the attack in Swat at the end of April after Taliban gains raised international worry about Pakistan’s stability. Later, the government and the military have set their sights on Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan chief Baitullah Mehsud in South Waziristan near the Afghan border. The military says Mehsud is responsible for 90 percent of terrorist attacks in the country. While the military has not put a timeframe on the Swat offensive, there has been speculation the army would want to secure the valley before launching a push on Mehsud, and clashes in Swat could delay that. “It has definitely taken a longer time, but it’s explainable in terms of the terrain, the mountains,” said defence analyst Hasan Askari Rizvi. “They have entrenched themselves more than people generally thought, that’s why the military is having problems in completing the whole process,” he said. The failure to capture or kill leaders of the Taliban in Swat spelt trouble, another analyst said. “Unless you eliminate the leadership, however much damage you do, the command structure will manage to grow back,” said security analyst Ikram Sehgal. “As long as that leadership exists, low-intensity guerrilla warfare will keep going on.” But analysts said while Swat fighting might drag on, that would not deflect the military from going after Baitullah. “I don't think there is a necessary relationship between the two in terms of getting done with one and then going to the next one,” said Kamran Bokhari, Middle East director for global intelligence company Stratfor. “They’re not waiting to get done with Swat before focusing on South Waziristan,” he said. “They know Swat is not over yet. Are they going to wait? It could take months. Would you want to allow Baitullah Mehsud the opportunity to do what he can?” The military is setting up choke points to surround Mehsud’s mountain stronghold and working with ethnic Pashtun tribes in the area to lock in their support. “That’s going to determine when they’re going to go in,” said Bokhari. For now, the fear that Taliban expansion spread through the country was ensuring public support for the offensive. The political opposition – including Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, which will be the main government challenger in the next election due by 2113 – is supportive. “His party has come to the conclusion that as long as these Taliban are not really taken care of, governance will be a hell of a problem,” said Rizvi. “They’re not going to create problems for the government on this issue.” But questions will arise before too long if Taliban violence persists and internally displaced persons languish in misery, he said. “It might become a political problem if Swat is not returned to a normal situation, maybe, by the end of August,” said Rizvi. “Then there will be real questions.” As well as the possible problem of the suffering of the displaced undermining wider government support, anger among the displaced people can be exploited by the Taliban. “It’s not that public support for the offensive will go down, but it could create a separate unrest that you will have to deal with. These people are susceptible to Taliban propaganda,” said Bokhari. Sehgal said pro-Taliban clerics were operating in some tent camps on the lowland where the displaced are being looked after. “This is very dangerous. As soon as they dismantle the camps the better,” he said. reuters DAILY TIMES 8-7-09

BLEEDING SHIAS OF KURRAM

2009-06-29T09:24:00.000-07:00

"Daily Times" Editorial:

The long wait in Kurram

As Kurram Agency on the border with Afghanistan waits for the return of the writ of the Pakistani state for the past three years, the Taliban depredations in the guise of sectarianism continue around the headquarters of the Parachinar agency. At least 33 people were killed and 65 others injured in “sectarian clashes” in various parts of Kurram Agency on Friday night and Saturday. In the last 12 days, the casualty list includes 89 people dead and 175 injured.

The local population has virtually given up on Pakistan during the two years that have seen all roads going to Pakistan cut off and the federal government ditching them after promising to come to their help “within a fortnight”. The local administration, if it can be called that, “cooperates” with the Taliban in the interim and exposes the besieged Shia majority population of Parachinar. According to a local tribesman quoted in the press: “We have had over 700 young people martyred but have not allowed these militants to secure a toehold in upper Kurram. Now the influx of Taliban from Swat, Dir and other areas is worsening the situation”.

Because Pakistan has virtually said goodbye to Kurram, it is no longer possible for the people of the agency to get food and medicine from Pakistan. The Sunni Taliban and their cohorts accuse the Shia of getting help from Afghanistan; the Shia accuse the Sunni groups of getting ever-increasing fighting manpower from Waziristan and Hangu.

Kurram faces Tora Bora on the other side of the border. This is the route that Al Qaeda and its Taliban supporters took to escape from Afghanistan in 2001. The local Parachinar population, being Shia, did not cooperate because of the age-old rivalry between them and the surrounding Sunni tribes. After the establishment of the Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) things have got much worse since the Sunni militias that hunt the local Shia are commanded by warlords owing allegiance to Baitullah Mehsud.

The sectarian scourge is also strengthened by the schism in the nearby Orakzai Agency where Baitullah’s commander Hakimullah has nearly 8,000 fighters under him and is busy warring with the opponent Shia militia of Hussain Ali Shah with 7,000 fighters at his disposal. As this war spilled into Kurram, another commander of Baitullah Mehsud, Qari Hussain, the expert in preparing suicide-bombers in a matter of hours, has been operating against the Shia in Kurram. Qari Hussain was reported killed recently during military operation, but his partners are carrying on the sectarian massacre after him.

If and when Pakistan decides to tackle the crisis in Kurram it will find that after years of neglect, the killing machine of the Taliban has bound Kurram to Orakzai, Khyber and Darra Adamkhel through the activities of commander Hakimullah. Other NWFP cities like Hangu and Kohat have caught the virus because of the presence of the Taliban at their outskirts with local administration increasingly in the subordinate mode with them. The Taliban and Al Qaeda sympathisers in Kohat are the actual rulers in this region and have their outreach into Islamabad through the Lal Masjid clergy.

After the death of Qari Hussain, it is the warlord of Darra Adamkhel, Commander Tariq, who is carrying on the war against the Kurram population with the help of other TTP allies. Long years of neglect have tilted the Shia population in favour of some help that they get from the Hazaras of Afghanistan. Also, after the area was cut off from the rest of Pakistan, the Kurram Shias were said to be receiving some assistance from Iran. This has actually exacerbated the situation with a more intensified polarisation between the Shia and those fighting a covert war against Iran.

The people of Kurram have waited a long time for the state of Pakistan to rescue them. Now as the state asserts itself for sovereignty in South Waziristan and the TTP and Al Qaeda terrorists are on the run, the time may have come for the Interior Minister, Rehman Malik, to fulfil his pledge that Pakistan would come to the rescue of Kurram “within a fortnight”. That was said many months ago. Daily Times 29-6-09

HEAD MONEY FOR PAK TALIBAN LEADERS

2009-06-29T08:51:00.000-07:00

By Rahimullah Yusufzai
PESHAWAR:

Baitullah Mehsud has become the only Pakistani with a head-money separately announced by both the Pakistan government and the US.
However, the head money placed on him by the US is far larger than that announced by Pakistan. It is offering $5 million, or Rs410 million, for his capture. In comparison, the Pakistan government offer of Rs50 million, or $600,000, for credible information that could lead to his capture is peanuts.

As someone remarked, bounty-hunters would inform the US authorities to claim the head money instead of telling the Pakistan government due to the much bigger amount of dollars being offered by the Americans. Requesting anonymity, he said the two governments should pool their efforts not only in terms of the head money they are offering for Baitullah Mehsud, or BM as he is called by officials of the intelligence agencies, but also getting him killed or captured through a coordinated strategy.
The belated announcement of head-money by the Pakistan government for Baitullah Mehsud and 10 other Pakistani Taliban commanders was made through an advertisement carried by newspapers on Sunday. All 11 of them are affiliated to the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and belong to Fata.

In terms of the head-money, Baitullah Mehsud is followed by his deputy Maulana Faqir Muhammad, who is the Taliban commander for Bajaur. Head money for him is Rs15 million or $182,000.

The head money for five other TTP commanders — Abdul Wali alias Omar Khalid and Qari Shakeel from Mohmand Agency, Tariq Afridi from Darra Adamkhel and Hakimullah Mahsud and Qari Hussain from South Waziristan — is Rs10 million each or $122,000.

Qari Hussain’s name in the list of wanted militants with head-money should be enough to deny recent reports in sections of the media that he was killed in the June 23 US drone attack on a funeral gathering in South Waziristan. Known as the ìUstad-e-Fidayeen,î or trainer of suicide bombers, Qari Hussain personally phoned some reporters in Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan to refute media reports that he had been killed.
For the remaining four TTP commanders, the head-money is Rs5 million or $61,000. They are Qari Ziaur Rahman, who in fact is an Afghan national living in Bajaur, Fazal Saeed Otayzai from Kurram Agency, Mufti Ilyas from Darra Adamkhel, and Waliur Rahman alias Aliur Rahman from Bajaur.

The newspaper advertisement announcing head-money for the 11 TTP commanders didnít carry their pictures. Government officials handling the matter said they didnít have any pictures of the 11 wanted men. This was strange and shows the lack of intelligence on the TTP leadership that is presently available with the government.

The newspaper advertisement, however, provided the name of the fathers of the 11 men, their tribe and address. Bounty-hunters were promised secrecy in case they came forward with credible information for nabbing the wanted men, alive or dead.

Four phone numbers were also listed for informers having information about the whereabouts of Baitullah Mahsud and the 10 other men. However, efforts to reach those phone numbers turned out to be tough exercise. There was no response from the toll-free number 0800-15015 even after a long wait and effort. The phone rang on the other side when the number 091-9210210 was contacted but nobody answered. The phone number 091-9210457 remained busy whenever it was called. Only the fourth number, 091-9212158, could be reached after some effort. The operator who answered said about 20 people made calls on the phone number from places like Peshawar, Malakand and Karak but nobody provided any information about the whereabouts of the wanted Taliban commanders. ìThey were just curious. They wanted to know more about the head-money and the wanted militants,î he said while hastening to request anonymity.

The US announcement of $5 million head-money for Baitullah Mahsud a few months ago catapulted him to the rank of a senior al-Qaeda leader. Such a huge amount hasnít been offered for the capture of most of al-Qaeda and Taliban commanders who until now have been killed or captured. Though he is a Pakistani Taliban commander loyal to the Afghan Taliban leader Mulla Muhammad Omar, the US government accused him of being an al-Qaeda facilitator. Baitullah Mahsud was also accused of sending fighters to Afghanistan to attack the US-led coalition forces.

It may be added that Osama bin Laden and his deputy Dr Ayman al-Zawahiri carry head-money of $25 million each. The head-money for Afghan Taliban leader Mulla Muhammad Omar is $10 million. Despite such huge amounts, the three men are still at large. In fact, there have been no sightings of bin Laden, Zawahiri and Mulla Omar since the collapse of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in December 2001 and all reports regarding their whereabouts are based on speculations.
Earlier on May 28, the ANP-PPP coalition government in NWFP had announced head-money for the 21 Taliban leaders and commanders from Swat. It included the Swat Taliban head Maulana Fazlullah with a head-money of Rs50 million, an amount equal to that offered by the Pakistan government for Baitullah Mahsudís capture. The offer of reward to informers didnít have any impact, at least until now, as none of the 21 wanted Taliban commanders from Swat has been killed or captured. NEWS 29-6-09

HUNT FOR BAITULLAH

2009-06-25T07:13:00.000-07:00

Endgame closing in on Baitullah ( EDITORIAL IN THE DAILY TIMES OF JUNE 25,2009)

Baitullah Mehsud has had his opponent Qari Zainuddin murdered in Dera Ismail Khan for disclosing facts about him that he had denied. If this is a measure of how Baitullah will react to his diminishing hold over his objectors, then he is sure to kill another local rival Turkistan Bitani who had made public his criminal activities last week. Does this mean that Baitullah is gaining the upper hand in the region where the Pakistan Army is now challenging him with an operation? The fact to keep in mind is that Zainuddin and Bitani were encouraged to speak out because of the hope revived in them by the military operation. That Baitullah has had to kill Zainuddin instead of ignoring him as in the past points to his growing insecurity.Pakistan has been opposed to the American drone attacks on its territory, but not without some evidence that the local population living under the heel of Baitullah Mehsud did not mind them. There was a time when the drones did not target Baitullah simply because he was not attacking American troops across the Durand Line. This was a tactic of keeping down the number of people operating in Afghanistan through the “incentive” of “non-strikes”. Now that pattern is changing and the Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is feeling the heat of missiles coming from the drones. On Tuesday, these missiles killed at least 51 Taliban in South Waziristan, where the army is poised for an attack on Baitullah’s stronghold.South Waziristan under attack is going to expose a whole lot of people hiding there and operating in neighbouring countries. The estimates about the strength of the people Baitullah has under arms keep changing; so do the estimates about the funds he has at his disposal. He is now said to have approximately 20,000 militants. There was a time when people thought he could mobilise 50,000. Only the “foreigners” he was protecting were supposed to be 5,000. To the number of Uzbeks, Arabs, Chechens and Uighurs have been added a number of Tajiks who are fighting against the Uzbek-dominated regime of Tajikistan. Uzbekistan has suffered a number of attacks guided from South Waziristan by Qari Tahir Yuldashev of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). Baitullah has also allegedly used IMU men to kill the innocent people of Swat.Before the decision to mount a military operation against him, Baitullah enjoyed the kind of grudging recognition that tyrants enjoy when they are unchallenged. The mere fact that the army has decided to go for him has changed that point of view. The greatest weakness suffered by him is the loss of support from the people of Pakistan who now consider him a threat to the state and to Islam itself. Not only have his opponents come out of their hiding to speak out against him, his suicide-bombers are being caught “before the fact” in all the vulnerable cities of Pakistan because of the slackening of the will to die for someone who is no longer a model for them.Perhaps it was a wrong strategy to mop up his lieutenants on the margins and leave him alone at the centre to gradually suffer a waning of his power. Fazlullah in Swat and other commanders in Bajaur and Orakzai were engaged simply because they were more manageable as targets in territories considered easy terrain. That strategy has partly paid off because the commanders have tended to run away to South Waziristan after being defeated in their regions. But the decision to go for South Waziristan is without a doubt more effective in lowering the prestige and outreach of TTP in the whole of Pakistan. TTP minions who cut a man’s both hands in Hangu on Tuesday for theft will be sorted out after Baitullah has got his comeuppance from the army.

RIFTS IN PAKISTANI TALIBAN

2009-06-25T06:53:00.000-07:00

Zainuddin’s assassination exposes Taliban rifts ( FROM DAILY TIMES OF JUNE 25,2009)

* South Waziristan residents adopting a wait-and-see approach

* Neither Taliban commander ready to send fighters to Mehsud’s aid for fear of drone strikes

PESHAWAR: The assassination of Qari Zainuddin, the leader of the renegade Taliban faction, by one of his own men underscores a growing rift in the ranks of the Taliban as they brace for an impending army assault.

Zainuddin’s killing on Tuesday sets back government hopes of exploiting these internal divisions in South Waziristan, where the army has been pounding strongholds of Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud in apparent preparation for a major offensive.

Although Zainuddin was never seen as a serious challenger to Mehsud, the government had clearly hoped his outspoken criticism of the Taliban leader would foster others to defect and help the army with tips on where to find him.

Mahmood Shah, a former top security official, said the slaying sends a message to the government that only a major operation would have a chance of defeating Mehsud.

“Baitullah Mehsud has overcome all tribal dynamics. He has resources, funding and a fighting force to strike anywhere in Pakistan,” Shah said, calling him a front man for Al Qaeda and his home base of South Waziristan the “epicentre in the war on terror”.

The strength of the mutineers - led by Zainuddin, Turkestan Baitni and Commander Amir Thesil - is dwarfed by Mehsud’s army, said a tribal leader from South Waziristan who asked not to be identified because he feared either Mehsud or Mehsud’s enemies would kill him. He estimated Mehsud’s strength at upwards of 12,000 fighters, including Pakistanis, Afghans, Arabs, Uzbeks, Burmese, Chinese and even some Americans and Australians.

“They have control of the whole Mehsud area,” the tribal leader said, referring to a 4,000-kilometre swath of land in the remote, mountainous tribal zone. “He will be difficult to eliminate. The Pakistani forces will face a tough fight.”

“Any further defections from Baitullah’s group might not take place,” Shah said, adding that Zainuddin’s value to the government was that of a potential informant who “could tell where the hideouts would have been.”
Army spokesman Gen Athar Abbas said that the military has not helped any of the anti-Mehsud Taliban forces, which he said have not demonstrated an ability to protect themselves.

“The government may be engaging with them and may be doing whatever at a political level,” said Abbas, but the military isn’t ready to partner with any insurgents who “might end up being a future problem for us”.
Zainuddin, who broke with Mehsud in 2007, was estimated to have about 3,000 armed followers in the towns of Dera Ismail Khan and nearby Tank.

Although Zainuddin too had a ruthless past, he denounced Mehsud this month for recent attacks on mosques that killed clerics and civilians, bombings apparently in retaliation for the army offensive in the Swat valley.

Residents of South Waziristan are adopting a wait-and-see approach to the Pakistani military operation, reluctant to show outright support for an army they worry will not complete the job.

“You have to know that among the tribes we will follow whoever is the strongest,” said the tribal leader. A shura, or council of elders, for the Mehsud tribe was held on June 16, but the tribal leaders, who had previously endorsed Mehsud, broke up without any decision except to meet again.

In an agreement four months ago, Baitullah had closed ranks with powerful Taliban leaders - Maulvi Naseer in South Waziristan and Gul Bahadar in North Waziristan. Both men have battle-hardened troops, in contrast to the weaker mutineers, and could prove a more difficult opponent for the Pakistan Army.

While the agreement is holding, there are reports that neither Naseer nor Bahadar is ready to send his fighters to Mehsud’s aid for fear that they might be hit by US drones patrolling the tribal regions. ap daily times 25-6-09

BODY-COUNTS WITHOUT BODIES

2009-06-24T08:01:00.000-07:00

From the "News" of Wednesday, June 24, 2009

Zafar Hilaly

The army is fast acquiring a credibility problem with its claims of dead, injured and captured Taliban. At first there were mere mutterings, sotto voce suspicions, that not all is as claimed. These doubts are increasing; the chorus of suspicion is more voluble and before they acquire the dimensions of a scream the Army had better attend to it.

The pleasant and able and composed DG, ISPR in fact alluded to these suspicions on June 22 when he said that the army had not wanted to show pictures of the dead lest the public become upset but, presumably, in response to public demand, he showed 54 pictures of dead Taliban. All of whom appeared very much as one would expect those killed in battle. I doubt if anyone was upset by those images. Actually, for Pakistanis fed on a rich diet of Taliban videos showing gory executions of soldiers, with the sound on, they were rather tame. In fact most watching probably relished seeing their tormentors dead.

Noticeably, there were no photos of injured Taliban and only a desultory few of those claimed to have been captured have ever been shown on TV. In contrast the Taliban paraded their victims, allowed interviews and generally made a great show about their capture and their own prowess. Of course, it was done with the aim of terrorising the populace just as for the army to show their captives in all poses would hopefully also terrorise the enemy.

Some Taliban practices may be worth adopting because photos of a mere 54 dead while claiming that the actual number is 2000 do not wash. Especially as not a single one of the first tier leaders has been killed, wounded or captured and rumours are circulating that the Taliban leadership have been evacuated away from the danger zone, along with Al Qaeda leaders to Yemen, Somalia and Afghanistan and would return in due course.

Pakistanis are a suspicious lot when it comes to evaluating official claims, perhaps because they tend to deceive even when it is easier to tell the truth; or because they have learnt from experience that "official speak" is invariably wrong or comes with a spin; or because the claims are so fatuous as to defy credulity. For example, after every air strike the number of dead militants ranges from six to 14 militants, seldom more.
All of them are supposed to be insurgents, rarely civilians, presumably because, unlike the Americans, we have very discriminating "Taliban seeking" missiles. Considering the difficult terrain and the risk to be incurred by the usually "reliable" sources reaching the site of the bombing it is remarkable how quickly the numbers of dead and injured are counted, processed and reported in the press the next day. Whoever does such an efficient job should be asked to lead our flaying attempts to cope with the IDPs problem.

It was also revealing that the BBC correspondent who was taken on a tour of the battle zone, he termed it "bandit country," said that while he was shown a half dozen or so of "captured Taliban" he saw none of the 2000 dead nor any graves or other signs of death. Instead BBC viewers last night got to see what the Taliban had allowed him to film which was the hanging corpse of a beheaded soldier and another who had been killed, with boastful Taliban standing nearby. Clearly there is something wrong with the optics of this war as far as Pakistan is concerned.

Of much greater concern was a news report carried in Dawn of 23 June entitled "Efforts on for patch- up between Darra Taliban, Adezai lashkar," which states that "Some "invisible" forces( normally a euphemism for we know who) are out to narrow the differences and broker an understanding between the Darra Adam Khel-based Taliban and leaders of the Qaumi Lashkar of Adezai on the outskirts of the provincial capital – the Taliban conditions included that their men would freely move in parts of Peshawar and would take action against those found involved in 'un-Islamic' activities and the Lashkar would not object to their actions. Secondly, the Taliban want the lashkar not to create hurdles while they recruit new members. Another condition of the Taliban is that the lashkar will not support security forces in case of any clash between the Taliban and law enforcing agencies."

Apparently two rounds of negotiations have already been held and members of the "Tableeghii Jamaat were active to broker an understanding between the two sides". When the local police chief was asked about these negotiations he denied all knowledge of them. Both are probably telling the truth. The left hand in Pakistan often does not know what the right hand is doing. Or the left side of the mouth, in the case of the Interior Minister, who claimed that Fazlullah had been "trapped," does not have a clue what the right side, which denied he had made any such statement, is saying.

Such reports, if true, damage the sincerity of the army's efforts and rob its actions and claims of credibility. It is difficult to believe that even while the army is engaged in fighting and dying in Swat another arm of government is negotiating deals with the same blood thirsty foe of murderers, kidnappers and drug peddlars. The report further negates the claim of the Tableeghi Jamaat that it is a purely religious organisation rather than one with a political agenda, as many have long suspected. (I recall being summoned to the Yemeni Foreign Office in 1988 and being asked why the Tableeqi Jamaat chose Yemen to spread the word of Islam. In the words of the Yemeni official: "Excellency, this is our religion, we gave it to you, please don't try and teach us the proper Islam. Ask them to go somewhere else. Or do they have some other agenda.")

Mr Zardari has written a column in the Washington Post emphasising that democracy and democracy alone is the panacea for Pakistan's problems. Unfortunately many of his countrymen are not so certain. Pakistanis are as sceptical about democracy as they are about dictatorship. Both have failed to deliver. Both speak with forked tongues. Similarly, Mr Zardari has claimed that he will fight terrorism to the bitter end. "Fight" should be the operative word and not "negotiate" deals of the sort being hustled in Peshawar.

The writer is a former ambassador. Email: charles123it@hotmail.com

STATE OF SWAT VALLEY: FAR FROM NORMAL

2009-06-06T19:12:00.000-07:00

June 07, 2009

ISPR says Army to stay in troubled areas for indefinite period

Fazlullah targeted thrice

Success incomplete without elimination of top leadership

By Muhammad Anis

ISLAMABAD: Two close aides of Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM) chief Maulana Sufi Muhammad were killed in Sakhakot on Saturday when they were travelling in the custody of security forces.“A prisoners’ van was carrying Naib Amir of the TNSM Maulana Muhammad Alam and spokesman Amir Izzat from Malakand to Peshawar when an improvised explosive device (IED) exploded,” military spokesman and DG ISPR Major General Athar Abbas told newsmen at a media briefing here on Saturday.

He said the van was attacked at 5.10am with an improvised explosive device (IED) in Sakhakot followed by intense firing by the terrorists, killing the TNSM leaders and a junior commissioned officer while leaving five security personnel injured.

It may be mentioned that the TNSM leaders had been arrested during a raid in Amandara, Malakand, on Thursday.To a question about appropriate security arrangements for the convoy, he said security forces were operating in a battle zone where such attacks were an everyday happening. “I cannot say if the TNSM leaders were targeted,” he said.

To another question about the possibility of a military or judicial inquiry into the incident to clear any doubt, he said a decision to this effect could be taken by the competent authority.He said the third leader of the TNSM, Maulana Wahab, was still in the custody of security forces.

He said TNSM chief Maulana Sufi Muhammad had neither been arrested nor was under the custody of security forces.

The Army, he said, would stay in Swat and adjoining areas for an indefinite period. “The Army would stay in the area till a sense of security among the people is revived, a credible defence system by the law enforcement agencies, including police, is put in place and the possibility of the terrorists hiding in mountains coming back to launch a second phase of insurgency is obviated,” General Athar Abbas said, adding: “This would not take less than a year.”

He said the proposal to establish a cantonment in the area was also on the table, but a final decision was to be taken by the government.About the settlement of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) being discussed by the civil and military leadership, he said the military operation only brings temporary stability and arrangements were necessary for permanent stability, including revival of the civic amenities before the return of the IDPs.

He said the resettlement plan was being worked out, envisaging enhancement of capacity of the law-enforcement agencies and increasing the strength of the police. “On the heels of the military operation, we would like an administrative follow-up. It would need work on a war-footing,” he remarked.

General Athar Abbas said 100 per cent success in unconventional wars could not be achieved in a short spell of time. He pointed out that the valley could not be completely sealed and the miscreants currently hiding may regroup and resume terrorist activities.

Answering a question, he said so far no decision had been taken to launch an operation in South Waziristan. He, however, said the Army would go there if the government so decided.He said the success would be incomplete without eliminating the top leadership of the militants. He said Swat Taliban commander Maulana Fazlullah had been targeted thrice by security forces. He, however, said no authentic information on his condition was available.

Replying to a question, he said he had not seen the press conference addressed by Baitullah Mehsud’s spokesman, threatening terrorist attacks on small towns across the country. He, however, said he would call it an intelligence failure if he spoke at a press conference with a lot of mikes around him.

He said around 40 would-be suicide bombers had so far been killed and apprehended in and outside the operation area. Around 1,305 terrorists had been killed since the launch of the operation Rah-e-Rast while 120, including foreign nationals, had been apprehended, he added. Some 105 security personnel had so far laid down their lives while 306 were injured, many of them seriously, he added.

Giving an update on the operation, he said 17 terrorists had been killed during the last 24 hours while four soldiers laid down their lives. He said security forces successfully cleared Kuza Bandai, Bara Bandai and Gora Ghat, establishing two check-posts in Kuza Bandai and one in Gora Ghat. Security forces killed 17 terrorists and recovered a huge cache of arms and ammunition during a search and destroy operation in Sarsenai area. One soldier was also killed.

Asked if the recent terrorist attack in Lahore had a link to the ongoing operation and whether or not any foreign hand was involved, he said an inquiry into the incident was under way and it would be inappropriate to offer any comment at this stage.In Puran-Chakesar valley, security forces have established a link up to Tawa and the area around Aloch. Besides, terrorists fired rockets and mortars at the security forces’ check-post in Khwazakhela from Baidara, killing two soldiers and injuring one.

APP adds: General Athar Abbas said according to estimates, 3-4 per cent of the terrorists, who were either killed or apprehended, were foreign nationals like Arabs, Central Asians or Afghans.

He told a questioner that the top leadership of terrorists had been targeted time and again and unconfirmed reports of killing of two high-value targets were also received. “We cannot confirm the reports of killing of top leaders till the time we get material information.”He said a top terrorist leader was targeted thrice but he might have fled after sustaining injuries. However, he added that the technology constraint was the major reason for his escape. “We don’t have drone technology which keeps chasing the target — we do lack that technology,” he said.“We are carrying out this operation with indigenous resources and no foreign power had been assisting us in this unconventional type of battle,” he said.

Answering a question, he said that the PAF fighters were only used on as and when required basis to soften the targets by engaging ammunition dumps and logistic camps of the terrorists through laser guided technology.

As far as relief and support programme for the IDPs is concerned, he said, ration of four truckloads was distributed among persons of newly established camp at the Charsadda Sugar Mills. Around 600 families were provided food items in Bara Banda, Azakhel, Manki Sharif and Peshawar. Army troops also distributed seven truckloads ration in union councils Katlang, Roria Sare Balol, Tora, Patbaba and Achakzai.

Principal Information Officer Shabbir Anwar and a representative of the Special Support Group, Lt Col Wasim, were also present at the briefing.

Our Peshawar Bureau adds: Namaz-e-Janaza of the two leaders was offered at Amandara in Batkhela in which a large number of people participated. Tight security was put in place during the Namaz-e-Janaza to stave off any untoward incident.“About 60 Army soldiers besides Levies personnel had taken over the area,” a local told The News. The coffins of Alam and Izzat were not allowed to be taken to their homes.

An activist claimed the coffins were empty and insisted to open them to see the bodies. The coffin of Alam was opened, but the body was badly mutilated and he immediately closed it.

The activists of the TNSM were angry over the killing of the two senior leaders.After the killing of Kifayatullah, the eldest son of Sufi Muhammad, Maulana Alam and Izzat, two close aides, Sufi Muhammad has gone underground.

Amir Izzat Khan, the TNSM spokesman, had reportedly given up his job as a teacher in the Government Middle School in Swat’s Sherpalam village last year to work full time for his organisation.Though he had formally joined Maulana Sufi Mohammad’s TNSM in 1993, he was made its spokesman last year when the organisation set up a peace camp in Timergara, headquarters of Lower Dir, to press the acceptance of its demand of enforcement of Shariah in the Malakand Division.

Maulana Muhammad Alam, the 46-year-old deputy leader of TNSM, belonged to Shangla district. He was born in Shahpur village and had received his early education in a local Madrassa.A long-time associate of Maulana Sufi Mohammad, he joined the TNSM in 1993. He was first made head of TNSM in the Malakand Division, then the divisional chief and finally the central deputy leader.NEWS 7-6-09

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 10. RAM TAKHT (RAM'S THRONE)

2009-06-01T11:04:00.000-07:00

Ram Takht (Ram’s throne):

Ram Takht is one of the sacred places in Hinduism. It is only second to Amarnath Cave regarding its sacredness and sanctity. Ram Takht is situated on the top of Mount Elum at an altitude of 9200 feet above sea level. This point is called Jogyano Sar(yogi peak).The dune of Barikot which is also famous for its sacred ruins is visible from here towards the North-West.

The Hindus believe that Ram Chandra Jee Maharajah spent three years of his Banr Bass (jungle life) here. The Hindu pilgrims visit this place once a year in first day of Sawan, to pray, worship and seek unity with Almighty. A holy spring flows near Ram Takht where most of the yogis came to seek union with the divine entity.

The ruins at Jogyano Sar clearly manifest that it was a hub of religious activities in the past where yogis resided in monasteries with austerity to meditate and contemplate on nature and its Creator. The vagaries of time have taken its toll and destroyed the places of worship today but some people say that all the monasteries were razed to the ground by the first ruler of Swat.

Ram Takht has also been demolished by treasure hunters in the hope of acquiring ancient treasures. Toorda Pacha whose family has resided here since time immemorial says that one of the yogis was killed by a nomad in the hope acquiring wealth. Later the nomad lost his sanity and his whole family disappeared mysteriously from the place.

Ram Takht can be accessed through different routes of Karakar, Char, Dokada, Bezo Sar, Amlokdara and Murghazar. One can reach the place in five hours from Murghazar easily. Several cool streams adore the way while most of the dense forest has been chopped down by timber mafia. The way is well treaded and there is no fear of straying away. The exotic valley of Swat and the holy district of Buner are the spectacular panoramas visible from Ram Takht.

Mount Elum has a profound spiritual and holy past. The famous saints Peer Baba and Durrani Baba had visited this place, worshipped and meditated here. Today they are in their eternal slumber in the lap of Mount Elum.
By Naveed Hussain, Lecturer in English
( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 9.GUMBATUNA

2009-06-01T10:51:00.000-07:00

A.Stein in the Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India first mentioned the site of Gumbatuna in 1930. Berger and Wright who carried out some small-scale excavation (Berger et al. 1941). Professor G. Tucci followed it in 1955-56.

Location:

The site of Gumbatuna (Gumbatuna is the plural form of “Gumbat”, the Pashto word for “dome”) is a Buddhist establishment situated on the right bank of the river Swat, 6km west of Barikot village along the metalled road leading towards Nimogram in a wide valley. The valley is broadly drained by the Swat river which flows in several braided channels through the area. The archaeological remains are scattered over a range of 1500 meters north to south and 1000 meters east to west in wides terraced fields sloping unto the hills behind, known as Shamozai range. A spring is located in the picturesque gully, north of the sacred area.

Excavation:

The excavation of the first season was limited only to the terraces, which comprise the huge main stupa, and the votive stupas partially uncovered by the treasure hunters. The middle terrace is composed of circular monastery now occupied by the modern village of Gmbatuna. The upper terrace is composed of different group of monastic settlements, caves, viharas and stupas.

Main Stupa:

The lower zone comprises the main stupa encompassed by the votive stupa and columns bounded by the enclosure wall.

The main stupa stands on a square plinth measuring 17m each side with an offset projection 3.71m long by 3.82m wide for step on the east. The huge stupa is probably the best preserved in ancient Udyana consisting of a dome, upper and three lower drums, resting on a square podium and scole. The structure above the dome comprises harmika and umbrellas, which are now missing.

The stupa is square in plan and consists of base bounding in straight Scotia pattern (H.O 50cm). The podium or the square plinth stands to a height of 3.90m from the top of the base moulding. The top of the plinth is paved with slabs of schist from which project a corine (H. 0.35cm) built in corbelling fashion.

The pradakshina patha around the drum is paved with large stone slabs of schist of various size, from 0.20cm to 0.60cm (in width).
Around the base of the first drum at the four corners the square bases of columns are still preserved indicating that once the stupa was decorated with four columns. Such decorative elements were also noticed at the stupas of Saidu, Najigram and Amlukdara in Swat valley.

The drums of the stupa is cylindrical in shape measuring 04.70m in height. The drum is surmounted by a hemispherical shaped dome (height 04.80m) and 10m in diameter. It is cut all through from the east and a shaft 2m wide sunk down the centre from the top by relic hunters. The stupa is ascended by a flight of twelve steps on the east side leading to the top of the podium. A circumambulation path of schist stone was provided around the base moulding of the stupa plinth. The masonry of the main stupas is executed in diaper.

Architectural remains of votive Stupas

The main stupa was surrounded by 27 votive stupas of different sizes, square in plan, all composed in the styles of diaper masonry. The floor around these stupas was paved with slabs of schist stone. The upper parts of the votive stupa are missing except votive stupa No.16 and 27 which exist up to the drum. The facing of the plinth built in diaper style in plain in case of some stupas, while stupa numbers 14, 15 and decorated with Corinthian pilasters.

Finds and chronology

The excavations at Gumbatuna were limited to the northern, southern and western sides. The area in front of the main stupa has yet to be excavated in order to complete the salvage operation at the site. The excavations were limited, as also the sculpture robbers had disturbed the site and removed the antiquities, although a good number of sculptures and an impressive stupa complex were uncovered. These sculptures include Buddda, Bodhisattvas, architectural elements in stone and stucco. The site has yielded no coins which could have helped in providing clue to absolute dating. Nonetheless, the sculptures in stone, stucco and the diaper masonry seem to belong to the early Kushana era. Therefore, it seems probable that the Gumbatuna site flourished during the 2nd century A.D. and lasted until the 7th-8th century A.D. ( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 8.THE SEATED BUDDHA

2009-06-01T10:43:00.000-07:00

The huge image of a seated Buddha carved into a high rock face of reddish colour that rises on the hillside to the southwest of Janabad (Shakhorai) village. It is situated at a distance of 5km to the N-E of Manglawar. This huge image of the Buddha can also be visible from the road, on the right side when one is on the way to Malamjaba.

Description:

Due to its high position above the narrow terrace, it is well preserved except the nose seems to have been damaged by the vandals. The Buddha figure is about 7 meters in height and is certainly the most impressive piece of sculpture to be seen in Gandahara region.

This excellent figure of the Buddha is seated on a high throne in the attitude of mediation. The snail shell curls of this Buddha are very carefully rendered. His eyes are more than half closed, there is a prominent Ushnisha and long ear lobes. The folds of the robe are stringy, with a planned alteration of high and low ridges. Though the figure exhibits the Gandahara style in the drapery with pleats and the hair, the rather solemn, powerful form of the torso and representation of the folds of the robe are in agreement with the usual form adopted in the area for the other figures of the Buddha.

Some scholars point to the strong influence of the western style but such similarities are not so close. Hence the image of the Buddha carved on the rock at Jehanabad may probably be dated to the 7-8th century A.D, when a large number of other rock-carvings of similar workmanship in Swat are dated to the later centuries of the 1st millennium A.D.

It may be stated that a vast number of Buddhist images in ancient Udyana were destroyed by the people in ignorance and there remains a small number of such rock carvings to be now seen. The few figures that have survived in the valley over the centuries should be preserved from the cruel hands of vandals and must be shifted to the museum for security and preservation. It is fear that such beautiful carved images shall perish into oblivion, and posterity will be deprived the cultural heritage of the past times.( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT:7. THE GHALIGAY STATUE OF BUDDHA

2009-06-01T10:38:00.000-07:00

The colossal statue of Buddha lies near the village of Ghaligay some 18km away from Mingawara at the foot of rocky slopes, on the left side of the main road leading to Mardan. The Buddha facing west is situated about 1km from the left bank of the river Swat.

Description:

This statue is carved on the live rock of the hillside in the heart of the Swat valley. It is one of the hundreds of monumental stone carving Buddhas that witnessed the glorious past of people of Swat, the ancient Udyana
Unfortunately, this statue sustained some damages caused by the ignorant human hands in the process of touching and scratching which also coupled partially with the weathering effect. However, the lower part of the body is still in good state of preservation. The upper part of the statue is much defaced, and only traces of the head and the halo behind it are visible.

The graceful statue is 04m in height and seems to be enlarged size of a typical Gandahara Buddha.

It is carved out of the marble stone cliff; and seated on a high throne in meditation pose. The carved statue with its drapy arranged in string like folds, which cover the body and throne. It corresponds to the late phases of Gandahara sculpture (7th-8th century A.D). ( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 6.THE TOKAR-DARA

2009-06-01T10:34:00.000-07:00

The Buddhist site of Tokar-dara is situated about 5km on the south of Barikot on the way to Karakar pass and lies about 1km from the modern village of Najigram at the mouth of a small picturesque valley.

Archaeological Remains:

E.Barger and P.Wright wrote:”An experimentally clearance of the western side of the stupa produced a few extremely battered stone carvings, and portions of the fallen umbrella of the stupa”. After small excavation on the site by Barger and Wright, the treasure hunters robbed the site. The architectural remains of the Buddhist stupa and monastery are spreading over a range of 228m north and south 206m east and west.
The site consists of a large stupa, the associated monastery, living quarters, assembly hall, and an aqueduct cave, two other stupas badly damaged and several unidentified remains.

Main Stupa:

The Large Stupa is probably the best preserved in this area.It consists of a hemispherical dome, upper and lower drums resting on a square podium and socle. The stupa court is 32m long to south-north and 72m east-west, fortified by a wall. The main stupa was surrounded by the votive stupas which have been completely destroyed by unauthorized diggers. Faint traces of the votive stupa can still be seen.

The stupa stands to a height of 15m from the ground level and the square plinth of the stupa is measuring 22x22m. Seven steps of a staircase in the middle which is 05.50m in width on the west side, lead to the top of the podium. The main stupa had originally four columns at the four corners of the berm of the square storey, which is indeed a peculiar feature; Such style of structural composition may be seen in the main stupas of Saidu and Gumbatuna. The exterior of the stupa is executed in diaper pattern originally covered by the coating of lime plaster.

The drum of dome which measures 10.67m in diameter, is decorated with two cornices framed as usual by thin vertical slabs of stone projecting at intervals between horizontal courses.

The stupa had already been dug out at the centre from the top in search of antiquities by the robbers which damaged the stupa structure and the surface finds.

Above the stupa and at a distance of 12m from the southern side of its lowest base, there rises a large walled terrace, measuring 53x53m, containing extensive remains of a monastic quadrangle.

Monastery:

This monastery is rectangular in plan, with its major axis running south-north. It has two entrances: one on the north leading to the main stupa and another on the south leading to an assembly hall. There are six domed cells, square in shape, measuring 03.35m which occupy each side of the Complex. Some of the cells still reserved the vaulted roof. There are ventilators and small niches in each cells for keeping statues or lamps.

Assembly Hall:

Near the south-western corner of the monastery court, there are the high walls of a big hall probably used as an assembly hall for the Buddhist community, measuring 16x15m and 06m height from the ground level. To the east the assembly hall, lie the remains of another ruined stupa enclosed by walls on three sides. The stupa depicts a square plinth measuring 13.71x13.71m with base moulding and stands square to a height of 04.26m. The stupa is ascended by flight of steps with 04.26m width from the north. The stupa is built in large dressed slabs of stones. The stupas were originally graced with Corinthian pilasters, traces of which can still be seen. Ruins of isolated cells lie on the slope of the valley against the rock.

Cave:

On the eastern side of the glen, about 45m above the monastic quandrangle, lies a cave with its high entrance which is blocked about half of its height by a wall. This cave was probably used by the monks for meditation.

Aqueduct:

In the area along the streamlet, are the remains of an aqueduct for the purpose of bringing water for domestic use, ablution and also for irrigation purpose.

Below the aqueduct, there are the remains of another ruined stupa about 1.82m in height.. ( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 5. THE ELEPHANT PAW

2009-06-01T10:10:00.000-07:00

Shahkot Pass, lying between the Mura Pass on the East and the Malakand Pass on the West, is an enchanting valley, on the North-East lie vast plains and a small hamlet, Shahkot Banda, with numerous Buddhist settlements, on the South-West is located the famous Hathi Darra, or the Elephant Paw, near village Zalam Kot, about 10 miles from village Thanra , on the main road leading to Swat.

A Buddhist road, about 20 feet wide and meandering 6 miles across the mountain, joining both sides of the pass, was magnificently constructed for the elephant caravan of a ruler of the Kushan period. This ancient road, which came to be known as "The Elephant Paw", and the famous Queen's throne on top of a hillock near Hathi Darra, are a feast for the eye and can be developed into an excellent tourist resort.

The seven-storied structure of the Queen's throne is made with neatly chiseled huge slabs of granite. Though people have dug deep pits in and around this structure, the throne itself is fairly intact and exists in its pristine form. A massive surrounding wall in a radius of 500 meters fortified the throne. A large number of chipping from earthenware strewing the mountain slopes indicate that clay pipes had been laid out for supply of water from a fountain above to the people inhabiting downhill. This whole set-up suggests that here once existed a well-fortified and well-engineered town of the Kushana period. Artifacts like coins, household utensils, beads, bangles, and pottery of all types, with geometrical and floral designs, are found in abundance.

The retaining walls on the mountain slopes, which present a thrilling, sight, run down to the valley below and stretch from Shahkot plains to the village of Palai.

The history of this area dates back to the 4th century B C. When Alexander the Great crossed River Swat at Chakdara and subdued the local residents. Thence forward this area remained under the administrative control of the Greeks for about 20 years which made a great impact on the Socio- Economic life of the local population. In 308 B.C., the great and powerful Maurayan ruler, Ashoka, held sway over this area. He was an ardent and passionate follower of Buddhism. He greatly serve the cause of Buddhism by channeling all his energy and resources for the dissemination of the Buddhist doctrine, with the result that Buddhism struck roots among the local residents. During his reign, a very large number of stupas and monasteries were established in this area. However, with the death of the great Ashoka in 232 B.C., his dynasty began to decline. Later, Bactrus Greek Demetrius invaded and conquered this region. The Sythinans who established their rule in the area followed him, but they were themselves routed and driven out of this region by the Parthian Condo Pares in 35 A.D. The Parthians met with a similar fate at the hands of a tribe called Kushans, in the year 60 A.D.

Kanishka, a renowned and powerful ruler of the Kushana stock, patronized Buddhism, with the result that Buddhist culture and religion reached their zenith in his area. During his reign, a large number of stupas and monasteries were set up every where and Buddhist philosophy of the Hinanayan school of thought flourished not only inside Gandahara but outside it as well. The Kushan dynasty was overthrown by king Shahpur of Persia in 241 A.D. and the Kushan Kidara submitted to the military might of the Persian potentate. In the 5th century A.D. the white Huns, a barbaric tribe from Central Asia, invaded this region. They ransacked the entire area and destroyed the stupas and the sacred monasteries. This tolled the death knell for Buddhism in this region. Subsequently, a new philosophy of Buddhism, called vijrayana, was introduced in this region. Vijrayana, which was different from the Hinayanian philosophy of Buddhism, was mostly based on magic incantations and rituals.

In the 9th century A.D., when Hindu Shahi conquered this land, the Buddhists were forced to flee this area and take refuge in the distant mountains of the North. The forces of Mahmud of Ghazna subdued raja Gira, the last king of Hindu Shahi, in the early 11th century A.D.
The Elephant Paw and the Queen's Throne are valuable relics of the past. But, it is regretted that no attempt has been made by any government in Pakistan to either excavate it or preserve it from further decay.
Courtesy: Fazal Wahid khan of Thanra, Lower Swat valley.( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 4.THE AMLUKDARA STUPA

2009-06-01T10:05:00.000-07:00

The stupa of Amlukdara is situated about 2km on the north of Nawagai village in the beautiful small valley of Amlokdara, on the main road to Buneer.One is required to walk about 1km through the village in order to reach the site.

Description:

The high stupa stands prominently visible from the surrounding area, naturally sheltered by the great Mount Elum. The stupa is raised on a magnificent square plinth with base moulding in torus and Scotia pattern, measures 34 meters in diameter. The height of the square shape base plinth is about 4 meters.

On the high square plinth rests a three tiered drum in cylindrical form measuring 9 meters leaving an approx. 5 meters wide ambulatory. The stupa is further surmounted by a hemispherical dome measuring 7m in height. The drum on which the hemispherical dome rests has a diameter of 21m, probably being the largest in the Ilam valley. The drum is divided by a bold cornice supported by brackets at intervals of 0.30cm. A second cornice projecting farther runs below the bottom course of the dome. The height of the stupa from the floor level on the ground up to the existing top of the dome measures 20 meters. The stupa has a flight of ascending step on the north, which is 04.26m wide connecting the pradakshina patha on the ground level with the ambulatory passage on the top of the plinth. The pradakshina patha on the top of the plinth is approached by another step 03.65m wide which leads to the third pradakishna patha. It is only here that a hole measuring 04.57m deep was dug in the drum to reach the relic chamber. The entire stupa building from base to the top shows a remarkable fine, semi-ashler masonry, preserving good stretches of the architectural decoration, typical of the Gandahara valley during the period Kushanas.

The semi-ashler facing was originally covered by a coating of stucco plaster, traces of which are still observed at some places. The podium and lower drum are decorated by Corinthian columns of small dark stones. On the eastern side of the stupa podium lie in heap four stone “Umbrellas”, once raised above the dome and now fallen over the year. The largest of them measures 04m, the smallest 1.82m in dia and 30 cm in thickness.

On the eastern and northern side of the main stupa, the ruins of the monastery, stupas and miscellaneous remains can still be seen. They are mostly disturbed by the illegal diggers. Stein recorded a number of coins from the Kushanas to the Turki Shahis dating from the 2nd to 7th century A.D.

The site was investigated by Barger and Wright in 1938. They recovered some Gandahara sculptures but did not investigate further to ascertain the exact period of the site.

Stein says, “the Amluk-dara lies on the route followed by the Hindus of lower Swat on their annual visit to the sacred height of Mount Elum, which forms so striking a background to the ruined stupa. The top of the mountain was an object of pious pilgrimage already in Buddhist times, and may well have been connected in some way with the pious legends which once clustered around it and in a modified form have lingered to the present day” (1930).

The stupa with its separate components of socle, podium, drum, and dome is the best example in Swat.

The stupa of Amlokdara is exposed to The treasure hunters have badly damaged the Stupa.The concern department should notice it, if they neglect the damages the stupa has received so for, the coming generation will not see this magnificent monument of glorious past. The time is appropriate to excavate the site at Amluk-dara stupa in order to protect the monuments and the hidden antiquities from the clandestine activities of unauthorized diggers. ( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: NEMOGRAM

2009-06-01T10:00:00.000-07:00

The Buddhist site of Nemogram is situated about 45 km west of Saidu Sharif and about 22 km from Birkot,on the right bank of Swat river in sub valley of Shamozai.This site was discovered in 1966 and excavated in 1967-68.

The Site:

The site consists of three main stupas in row from north to south with a courtyard of 56 votive stupas and the adjoining monastery on the west of the main stupas.At the present state of infor m ation collected during the excavations, it is difficult to give a definite date to the monuments at Nemogram. Nevertheless,the decovrey of a few coins of Kushana period, the site may be dated to the 2nd–3rd century A.D. Apart from the coins and pottery of Scytho-Parthian period,a large number of stone ,stucco sculptures depict various scences of Buddhist mythology.These sculptures are on display in Swat museum.

MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 2.THE SHINGARDAR STUPA

2009-06-01T09:55:00.000-07:00

The Shingardar stupa was identified by Colonel Deane and S.A Stein with the famous stupa built by King Uttarasena on the spot where the white elephant that carried the King’s share of the relics of the Buddha halted. When he had arrived at this spot the elephant suddenly dropped down and, dying, changed himself into a rock . By the side of this rock the King at once erected this stupa. This myth of the stupa is derived from a local tradition (Deane, 1886,Stein, 1930). The tradition is preserved by Hieum Stang who visited Swat in the 7th century A.D.It is said that when the elephant reached this spot with the relics of Buddha on its back, his body miraculously turned into stone after dying at this spot. It is further claimed that the hilly ridge opposite the great stupa on the north depicts a faint figure on it, visible only to the pious eye. G.Tucci, does not agree with the identification, and says that this stupa was not erected by the King Uttarasena.He places the stupa of the legend some where near the Naway kaliay about 500 meters to the north of Kota village. The controversy about the transportation of Uttarasena’s share of the relics of the Buddha to Swat on elephant back and transforming of the animal’s body into stone needs further investigation and research.

Structural Features of the Stupa:

Originally the plinth of the stupa was square in plan, but the inhabitants of the village removed the well-dressed facing stone and also the great portion of the interior masonry around the podium,for construction of their houses and road.

The stupa consist of lower drum decorated with two cornice, upper drum and a dome measuring 12m.The total height of the stupa from dome to the existing base is 27m.

The masonry comprise large dressed slabs of white stone separated by small columns of dark slatey pieces, and narrow horizontal packing between the courses.

Some traces of stucco plaster on the drum are still visible.

The lower drum measuring 04.87m is garnished with slightly projected pilasters with an bearing rather flat brackets.

The cornice above the lower drum is 0.60m high and comprise a plain course of slabs and above this a projected part built in thin slabs which are set vertically on their shorter edge.

The upper cornice is marked by a shallow recess about 0.50m high producing a light and shade effect. Antiquities robbers cut the stupa dome on the northwestern side, common practice in this area. On the eastern and southern sides of the stupa about 15 meters from the base, traces of Buddhist settlement can be seen, now occupied by the modern houses.

The masonry of these latter structures is very rough and probably belongs to a monastery complex. Due to the importance of thus imposing stupa, the excavation at this site as stated earlier, becomes imperative for the protection ( www.valleyswat.net)

THE MONUMENTS OF SWAT: 1.BUTKARA

2009-06-01T09:52:00.000-07:00

The Buddhist sacred precint of Buutkara identified as the monestry of Ta-Lo, mentioned by Sung Yun (520 AD) visited and described by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrims of the 5th, 6th and 7th centuries AC lies at the eastern end of the ancient capital of Udyana Meng-Chich-Li, present Mingawara. The main Stupa stand in the middle, around it are crowded monuments Stupas, Viharas and columns, on the Northern side stands a great building and further to the north and west the inhabited area. The Great Stupa under event five reconstruction, each new one incasing the oldery from 3rd century B.C down to 10th century A.D. ( www.valleyswat.net)

THE SWAT VALLEY (MORE)

2009-06-01T09:48:00.000-07:00

:
Swat or Udyana as it is in the Sanskrit sources, is a valley in the mountainous region to the north of the Peshawar Plain, at the foot of the mountain range connecting the Hindu Kush with Karakorum; it includes the main valley of the upper course of the River Swat, for a length of about 200 Km from the source as far as the gullies through which the river flows down to the plain, and the lateral valleys of its tributaries. The valley conquered by Alexander the great in 327 B C, and over the following centuries by the Indo-Greek, Saka, Parthian, Kushan, Sasanid and Hephthalite kings, was a prosperous region. It constituted a trading center between the plains of Gandahara and the mountains of the northern areas looking towards Central Asia, and at the same time a great Center of Buddhist culture with an ample scattering of Buddhist monasteries, representing an important stopover on the way to the holy places of Buddhism, traversed by numerous Chinese pilgrims (including Faxian in the 5th century A.D., Sangyun in the 6th, Xuanzang in the 7th and Huizhao in the 8th).

By virtue of its position open to the Iranian world, Swat was always characterized by the powerful influence that the local-Dardic-Substratum exercised over Buddhism, to the extent that it became a center for the formulation and dissemination of esoteric doctrines merging into the “Diamond Vehicle” (Vajroyana) tradition. As commercial traffic increased between the Tarim basin, in modern-day Chinese Xinjiang, and the Indian ports through Karakarum, Swat found itself at the point where these routs issued into the plain of Gandahara, thus becoming a place of transit not only for goods but also ideas- a role it maintained even after the economic decline that marked the late 6th and early 7th century A.D.
It was in fact from region that Padmasambhaua, the moving force of Tibetan Buddhism, set out in the 8th century, and it was indeed the suggestive accounts of this “holy land” of Buddhism contained in the Tibetan texts that brought Guiseppe Tucci in the Swat Valley in 1955.
Buddhist Shrines In Swat

A fairly large number of Buddhist sites preserving stupas, monasteries, viharas, settlements, caves, rock-carvings and inscriptions are scattered all over the Swat Valley. This heritage of immense interest may be seen both in plains and in the hilly tracts. Fa-Hein, who came to Swat in 4th century A.D, wrote about 6000 monasteries in the valley. The report of Sung-Yun, who visited the enchanting valley in the 6th century A.D, saw 6000 images in the sacred monastery of Talo (Butkara). The most famous of all the Chinese pilgrims, Hsuan-Tsang who graced the valley by his presence in the 7th century A.D, mentioned 1400 monasteries in Swat, which eloquently confirmed the extensive remains of the Buddhist period.

Even today over 400 Buddhist stupas and monasteries may still be seen in ruins in Swat covering an area of about 160 square km.
The Buddhists built mostly their stupas and monasteries higher on the hills with the aim that agricultural economy may not suffer and also to provide a sort of protection and security to them from the invaders.(www.valleyswat.net)

KNOW THE SWAT VALLEY

2009-06-01T09:41:00.000-07:00

The lush green and historic Swat Valley lies between 34°-40′ to 35° N latitude and 72′ to 74°-6′ E longitude and is part of the Provincially Administrated Tribal Area (PATA) of the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. The valley is an integral part of the strategic and significant region where three parts of the Asian continent–South Asia, Central Asia and China, meet.

The names found in ancient sources for Swat are Udyana and Suvastu because of the scenic beauty of the valley and the name of the river respectively.The historical and cultural remains of the area provide evidence about human activities covering a large span of time.
Alexander the Great came here in 327 BC en route India and conquered Bazira and Ora. At his departure the inhabitants of the area threw off Greek yoke, and enjoyed either independent or semi-independent status subsequently. In the meantime Buddhism penetrated here and Swat became center of Buddhist/Gandhara civilization. The Turki Shahis incorporated Swat in their kingdom but at the decline of their power it remained exposed to Hindu Shahis’ influence.

In early tenth century CE/AD, the Muslims occupied Swat. Consequently, Afghans from different tribes, commonly called Swati Pukhtun, came and settled here. They remained independent of the neighboring powers.

The Yusufzais conquered Swat in the first quarter of the sixteenth century and emerged and remained dominant segment. Instead of forming a government they lived in the tribal fashion, divided into two dalas (factions) headed by their own tribal chiefs called Khans and Malaks. The Swat Yusufzai enjoyed freedom and neither had paid taxes to Delhi or Kabul not yielded obedience to any foreign law or administrative system. They fought Akbar's mighty arms for years and incurred great losses over them.

The people of Swat not only fought the British in the historic battle of Ambela in 1863 but frequently raided British controlled territories and provided asylum to anti-British elements. When British forces were sent against Umara Khan of Jandol to relieve their garrison in Chitral in 1895 the Swatis commanded all the three main passes leading to Swat: Morah, Shahkot and Malakand. In spite of tough resistance, the British, however, succeeded in making their way by a stratagem. They established garrisons at Malakand and Chakdara and created the Agency of Dir and Swat, commonly called Malakand Agency, in 1895 for protecting their strategic interests. Political Officer later Political Agent was posted in Malakand for dealing and communicating through him with the local states (Dir, Chitral and later Swat as well) and the tribes. The rulers and tribal chiefs in the Agency were paid subsidies for pro-British services and role. The Swatis, however, rose en mass in 1897 to oust the British from Malakand and Chakdara under the leadership of Sartor Faqir, but in vain.

The left-bank lower valley was brought under loose British control and protectorate in 1895, but the rest of the left-bank valley continued to enjoy independent status till the emergence of Swat State. The right-bank valley was, however, already made part of Dir State during the years 1879–1881 and hence remained part of Dir State since then but with the interval for the years 1907–1911. The Shamizai, Sebujni and Nikpi Khel sections, however, made common-cause and put an end to Dir’s authority over the area, in March 1915. They constituted five-member council to look after the affairs of their area and finally brought Abdul Jabber Shah from Sithana and installed him as king of Swat, 24 April 1915.

Abdul Jabbar Shah remained in power for more than two years, but on 2 September 1917 the jarga broke relations with him and asked him to go back. On his departure the jarga installed Miangul Abdul Wadud as the next king. He ruled till 1949 and extended and consolidated the state. He abdicated in favor of his son Miangul Abdul Haq Jahanzeb on 12 December 1949, with which Jahanzeb became the next ruler and ruled till the merger of the state in 1969.

During Abdul Wadud and Jahanzeb’s reign Swati territories forming part of Swat State enjoyed an amazing peace and development in the fields of education, health and communication . (www.swatvalley.net)

TALIBAN: A MENACE OR AN ASSET?

2009-06-01T09:05:00.000-07:00

Speakers fear protracted war in conflict zone

Wednesday, 20 May 2009

Islamabad- Speakers at a seminar cautioned of disastrous consequences of ongoing armed conflict and Talibanisation for the whole country and nation.Senior journalist Aqeel Yousufzai, columnist Saleem Saafi, Muhammad Amir Rana, Aimal Khan were addressing the launching ceremony of the book ‘Talibanisation: from Afghanistan, FATA, Swat to Pakistan’ followed by a panel discussion on “ Talibanization: from Afghanistan to Pakistan.”

The seminar was jointly organised by Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) here on Monday.They urged the government to abandon its policy of using ‘Taliban’ as strategic assets and declare them as a menace to country and nation. They also recommended the government to systematically deal with the challenge of increasing militancy and Talibanization, involving multiple sources of funding and support from countries like United States, Iran, Russia, China, Arab countries and Afghanistan due to their conflicting interests in the region.Aqeel Yousufzai, author of the book, believed that the ongoing conflict in Malakand division was the beginning of an indefinite war in the region involving multiple complexities including strengthening collaboration between al-Qaeda and Taliban. He said that Taliban would not be completely eliminated because they were pursuing al-Qaeda-like or pan-Islamist ideology, which they wanted to reinforce globally.He said that his book also unearthed the invisible harmonious relationship between Jihadis and intelligence agencies of Pakistan to pursue their hidden agenda in the region while making a differentiation between Afghani and Pakistani Taliban. He claimed that the Pakistani Taliban were more dangerous and disastrous and would spread all over the country if not dealt wisely.Salim Saafi said that the country would never be able to overcome the worsening challenge, which would eventually spread all over the country if the government did not succeed in finally ending this confusion whether Taliban were Pakistan's strategic assets or a menace.
The confusion also pertained to whether American's and Russian were our friends or foes, he further said. Giving several examples of dual role of the US, Russia, Iran, NATO, Arabs and others, he said that the region had become a 'safe haven' for a number of external and internal forces and everyone was involved in achieving its specific interests against the others. Taliban were strengthened at the cost people and future of this region, he said.

EASY TO RE-CAPTURE SWAT, DIFFICULT TO HOLD ON TO IT

2009-06-01T07:49:00.000-07:00

True Swat victory won’t be military

* Re-establishing local government and bringing police back to patrol streets is critical to holding Swat

ISLAMABAD: The military says it is close to beating the Taliban in the Swat Valley, but battlefield success alone does not equal victory: Taliban commanders are still on the run, local governments and police forces have been decimated and millions of residents are displaced from their homes.

In announcing Mingora's capture, army spokesman Maj Gen Athar Abbas acknowledged an unknown number of Taliban escaped.So far, no top commanders, including Swat Taliban chief Mullah Fazlullah, are known to have been killed or captured. Some parts of the valley remain under Taliban control.

Re-establishing local government in the conflict-hit areas – most importantly bringing police back to patrol the streets – is critical to holding Swat once the army offensive ends. To do that well could take months, possibly years. For now, it appears the army and paramilitary forces will have to act as the police, which they were already trying to do in many parts of Swat before launching the offensive there and in surrounding districts a month ago.

For many of the three million internally displaced persons (IDPs), a return could mean finding a crushed home, prompting grievances against political leaders.Many may also find damaged businesses, furthering popular anger and also hampering efforts to jump-start the local economy in a region that was once a crown jewel of Pakistani tourism.

Pakistan has announced $100 million in federal aid to help the Swat IDPs while the UN is pleading with donors to come up with $543 million to ease what is one of the fastest and largest internal displacements in a country since Rwanda in 1994-95. Ordinary Pakistanis also have launched drives to help the IDPs, most of whom are staying with relatives or friends but some 200,000 are in camps.There also are plans in the works to beef up the police force in Swat, in part by hiring retired military officers.But timeframes are unclear, and the country's track record on post-conflict work is not inspiring.Before the latest offensive in Swat,
Pakistan waged a six-month fight against Taliban in Bajaur. Of up to 500,000 people displaced from Bajaur, some 230,000 have returned since the army declared victory there in February, only to find as many as 6,000 homes and shops destroyed or damaged, said political agent Shafirullah Jan said.An AP reporter recently saw tribal police and troops patrolling several Bajaur towns, but at least one area, Loyesam, is still having security problems three months after the Taliban were declared vanquished.Jan said the government was fixing some buildings and roads in Bajur's main town of Khar, and that foreign aid was part of that, but he had yet to see a comprehensive plan for reconstruction for an area that is far more needy than Swat.Swat may not be Pakistan's first attempt to dismantle the insurgency, but it cannot be its last, either. ap

SOUTH WAZIRISTAN HOTS UP AGAIN

2009-06-01T07:45:00.000-07:00

31 killed in SWA clashes
Monday, June 01, 2009
By Mushtaq Yusufzai &
Irfan Burki
PESHAWAR/WANA:

Twenty-five militants, including a senior commander of Baitullah Mehsud-led Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Miraj Burki, and six soldiers were killed and several others injured in the deadly clashes between the militants and security forces in the South Waziristan Agency (SWA) tribal region on Sunday night.

Other reports said 13 soldiers were killed and over two dozens injured in the two deadly attacks. Fierce fighting between the militants and security forces forced thousands of the tribal families to leave their homes in the Mehsud-inhabited areas.

The latest clashes erupted with two different attacks on security post and a military convoy by the militants at Spinkai Raghzai and Tiarza areas of the restive region.In the first attack, which took place on the night between Saturday and Sunday, the militants opened fire on a security post located on hilltop in Spinkai Raghzai area.

According to sources, three soldiers were killed and six others seriously injured in the attack. Also, four soldiers went missing during the clashes and suspected to be kidnapped by the militants. There were reports that the militants beheaded them and threw their bodies in the mountains.
Military officials said though it was dark and the attack was unexpected, the soldiers retaliated and inflicted heavy losses on the Taliban fighters. Military spokesman, Maj Gen Athar Abbas, when reached by telephone, said 15 militants were killed when the troops fired back. Similarly, he said, several other militants were injured in retaliatory firing by the troops.

Similarly, three soldiers, including a lieutenant, were killed and some others injured in an ambush on a military convoy by Taliban near Tiarza on Saturday evening. The convoy was heading towards Tiarza from Shakai when came under attack.

The militants were not happy with the reinforcement of the security forces in the Mahsuds inhabited areas, which happen to be strongholds of the Baitullah-led militants. According to sources, commander Meraj Burki, who was a senior militant commander of Baitullah Mahsud-led TTP and his Shura member, had led dozens of fighters to ambush the military convoy.

The sources said it was well-organised attack organised by the 45-year old commander, Meraj, in which the militants fired on the convoy from various directions. The troops were reported to have suffered heavy losses and their vehicles damaged.

Military authorities said the troops retaliated and killed 10 militants. Tribal sources confirmed the killing of six militants in retaliatory firing by the security forces. Tribal elders in Tiarza said they received reports that commander Meraj had been killed in retaliatory firing by the troops. However, they said bodies of the slain commander and his five colleagues were in the custody of the security forces. Efforts were being made for receiving their bodies from the security forces.

Maj-Gen Athar Abbas said both the attacks came from the militants. He said the troops did not fire first and retaliated when came under attack by the terrorists. “The troops were there to consolidate their positions and had no offensive designs. No body can even prove that the soldiers had fired first,” the military spokesman argued.

Tribal sources said the security forces Sunday evening started heavy artillery shelling from FC camps in Jandola and Manzai towards suspected locations of the militants in Kotkai, Tiarza, Ladha, Makeen and Srarogha villages.

The militants attacked security forces at a time when a 15-member jirga of the Mahsud tribal elders and clerics was negotiating between the government and Baitullah Mahsud.Senator Saleh Shah, who is leading the jirga members in recent negotiations between the two sides, admitted that both the factions even agreed on ceasefire.

Asked would he and his jirga members now blame Taliban for violation of their ceasefire offer, Saleh Shah said though they were not happy over what happened in Waziristan, but the government had also committed violation and sent the troops to various places where the Taliban did not want them to be deployed.

He said the jirga would continue its efforts for restoration of peace and would leave for South Waziristan on Tuesday to hold talks with Baitullah Mahsud and his commanders for ensuring durable peace in the region.
The fighting caused mass exodus of the Mahsud tribespeople and many families were seen Sunday leaving their homes for safer places in Razmak, Bannu, Tank and Dera Ismail Khan.Though announced several times, the government is yet to set up camps for the internally displaced persons (IDPs) of South Waziristan Agency.

Majority of the fleeing tribespeople were reportedly taking shelters with their relatives, friends and even with strange people in the downtowns. AFP adds: “According to fresh reports we received from the site, more than 45 militants died,” Syed Ahmad, a police official in the tribal area, told AFP. Khan Badshah, another local official, confirmed that death toll and said the rebels had taken most of the bodies away for funeral rites. NEWS 1-6-09

TALIBAN'S ARMS COMING FROM AFGHANISTAN?

2009-05-30T10:01:00.000-07:00

LAHORE: Military spokesman Maj Gen Athar Abbas has said that “many of the Taliban’s arms are coming across the border from Afghanistan ... the US should stop worrying about Pakistan’s nukes and start worrying about the weapons lost in Afghanistan”, a private TV channel reported on Friday. In an interview with a foreign news channel, the ISPR director general said the current conflict in Swat was intricately linked to the situation in Afghanistan. He said that Swat was a political problem, which could only be partially solved by military intervention. He estimated that 10 percent to 15 percent of the Taliban in the Swat valley and its adjacent areas were foreign fighters. He said Mingora could be secured in 48 hours, but it may be “much, much longer” before the area was totally pacified. He also said that there was “no plan, date or time for the launch of an offensive in South Waziristan”. daily times monitor 30-5-09

A WAR AGAINST TALIBAN OR A WAR AGAINST PASHTUNS?

2009-05-30T09:31:00.000-07:00

Are the Pakhtuns under siege?

Saturday, May 30, 2009

Rustam Shah Mohmand

In the nineteenth century they fought the British imperialists in a long-drawn-out war of attrition. In the twentieth century they were pitted against the might of another empire, the Soviet Union. In the 21st century, in yet another unequal contest, they are confronted by and fighting against the US empire.

To make matters worse, the Pakistani Pakhtoons are also under attack by the security forces of their own country.

The Pakhtoons, perhaps never before in their history, were going through an ordeal as awesome in its magnitude as in its cruelty.

In neighbouring Afghanistan, Pakhtoon villages are being systematically demolished, their men, women and children are dying every day like cattle or, worse still, like flies. It is a Pakhtoon genocide. Their economy is in ruins, their homes broken, their families shattered, their future uncertain and their present as bleak as it can get.

In the tribal areas they are being bombed and struck every second day with missiles, as if they are all enemies.

In Karachi, the biggest Pakhtoon city, they are periodically picked up and brutally killed, with no questions asked. Politics is more sacrosanct than the lives of ordinary mortals in the Land of the Pure.

The launching of the latest operation by the government smacks of the same hypocricy, double standards and lack of foresight that has characterised our policy formulation in the last 60 years.

From the word go, it appeared that the government was in no mood to implement the act it chose to extend, most reluctantly and after inexplicable delay.

The interregnum between the signing of the agreement and the approval of the president to sign Nizam-e-Adl into law was utilised for creating a hype, for painting a dreadful scenario of the implications of implementing the act. A deliberate mindset of phobia was created. It was not, for instance, explained to the people and to the world that the government is only re-enacting a law that was adopted by the governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif.

When there was no countrywide criticism of the act, then why was a storm being created now?

And when the law was extended finally there was a lukewarm attitude towards putting in place an infrastructure to implement the act. That was partly deliberate and partly reflected the incompetence of the authorities.
Just as the act was extended In 1994 and in 1999 and not allowed to take practical shape, it was presumed that the act would remain a document on paper and it would be business as usual.

This approach failed then, and it didn't quite work out this time.

It was not realised that merely calling a judge a qazi does not make him competent for administration of a totally different legal system.
The uncertainty produced serious doubts in the minds of the Nizam-e-Shariat and Taliban leaders.

But Maulana Sufi Mohammad stood steadfast in his support both to the government and to the newly enacted Law.

His cooperation with the government did not, unfortunately, translate into the cessation of hostilities. The government could have persisted with having him on board. It is a failure of skilful negotiations or a deliberate effort to deny the people the fruits of the new act.

The movement of some "Taliban" numbering about 25 riding in two vehicles from Swat to Buner was perhaps the turning point in the whole tragic episode.

Whether this movement was orchestrated or whether the Taliban in their naivety took their own senseless decision would remain to be seen.
But the fear of the Taliban taking control was so vociferously projected in the wake of two vehicles being driven into Buner by a few disorganised youths that it seemed like a deliberate move to create justification for a strong government intervention.

Strangely, the implications of such a stupendous operations were overlooked. And then there was inexplicable and heavy reliance on air action--use of aircraft and gunships to bomb, rocket and shell villages which were being flattened.

Quite understandably bombs and heavy artillery as well as gunships would not differentiate between militants and innocent civilians.
In its wake it caused tremendous human displacement which the UN called, for a time span of 15 days, the largest human dislocation in the world in the last 20 years.

Hundreds of innocent civilians having been killed and hundreds of thousands having been forced to leave their homes. What a price to pay for peace!

That the whole operation was timed to coincide with the president's visit so the US adds another sinister dimensions to the government policy.
Do we establish the "writ" of the government by causing the displacement of 1.5 million peaceful citizens?

And are these the only areas where the writ was challenged? Has the government writ not disappeared in the mega-city of the country since the time Musharraf took control? And was he not complicit in surrendering the mega-city to an ethnic political outfit?

Have scores of people not been killed on ethnic grounds in that city without anyone getting penalised?

Would the government apply the same yardstick that they applied in the case of poor Swatis?

The fact that Pakhtoons are being systematically killed and their properties destroyed from Farah, Helmand and Kunar to the tribal areas and Malakand Division has raised many disturbing questions in the minds of the people.

True, Gen Kiyani has proved to be an inspiring leader with impeccable credentials. But when the dust has settled people would bear anger and acrimony against the handful of Taliban militants, as well as the government, for launching an operation which has obliterated the Pakhtoon mainland. This is not going to help in creating any conducive environment which could inspire love for the country and respect for its institutions.

Which other nation would get involved in a genocidal war for obtaining "assistance"? Indeed the whole pattern of the events would seem to fit in the overarching strategic goals of some distant imperial power. And if that is the case, watch out! Waziristan is next in line.

Pakhtoons on both sides of the divide are paying a colossal price for not being "on board" and not being conformists; and this while they don't have any leadership worth the name. Genuine leaders would stay with their people and share with them their agonies and sufferings rather than choosing to stay away in such critical times in the history of Pakhtoons. news 30-5-09

FALL-OUT OF SWAT MILITARY OPERATION

2009-05-27T20:27:00.000-07:00

THE NEWS, May 27, 2009

Rahimullah Yusufzai

The writer is resident editor of The News in Peshawar.

The huge military operation launched in Malakand region in late April was meant to decisively defeat the Taliban militants and restore the writ of the state in Swat, Buner and Lower Dir districts. One doesn't know how long the army action will continue in view of the fact that the federal and provincial ministers and the military authorities have been giving conflicting timelines for its completion. There is also noguarantee that militancy will be defeated once and for all as a result of this unprecedented undertaking by Pakistan's armed forces within the country.

There is no doubt that the militants forced the hand of the government and the military to take action against them due to their unreasonable actions and strong-arm tactics. The militants' strength has certainly been diminished following the military operation and it will take them a while and another period of government non-performance, inaction and mistakes to recoup and regroup. Despite the government's claim that the Malakand military operation was initiated under strategic planning, there is little to suggest that it was ready for it.

Something that is far more obvious is the emergence of new problems and challenges for our already beleaguered nation. One is the issue of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) that is threatening to overshadow all other priorities of the state. The massive displacementof people caused by the military action wasn't properly foreseen by those who planned, executed and backed the operation. It is,therefore, hardly surprising that all of them are now finding it difficult to cope with the situation. This is a man-made disaster that will require divine intervention because our governments have a poor record of helping people in need. Every uprooted family has suffered so much for no fault of its own that it will be impossible to compensate it for its loss, whether it is physical or emotional.Unknowingly, or rather callously, a humanitarian crisis has been created without having the foresight to realise its magnitude and understand its consequences.

The military operation and the large-scale dislocation of hitherto well-knit rural communities have also raised valid questions about the concept of nationhood and the federation of Pakistan. Already, two province-wide strikes called by rival groups of the ultra-Sindhi nationalists Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM) have been held against the arrival of IDPs in Sindh. The JSQM and other Sindhi and Urdu-speaking nationalists may have strong reasons to oppose the influx of ethnic Pakhtuns in Sindh but the timing of their protest and the targeting of Pakhtun transport and other businesses during the strike carried a disturbing message that cannot augur well for the future of relations between the ethnic entities that make of Pakistan. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), which despite the change of its name still operates as the Mohajir Qaumi Movement, enthusiastically backed the first call for strike and withdrew its support for the second one on the request of its ruling coalition partner, the PPP. This also helps explain as to why the first strike on account of MQM's active support on May 23 was more widespread and violent with two people, including a 50-year old woman who was burnt alive, getting killed and a lot more vehicles owned by Pakhtuns being torched.

By backing the recent anti-IDPs strike, a powerful MQM-linked segment of the PPP-led Sindh government became involved in the unconstitutional act of denying entry to genuine Pakistanis, that too uprooted and suffering households coming all the way from unliveable places like Swat, Buner and Dir, into a province with a substantial Pakhtun population. No thought was given to the repercussions of such an ethnic-based approach to the problem of displaced people in NWFP,from where they came, and also in Balochistan, home to a considerable number of Pashtuns. Also, there was no appreciation of the fact that the Karachi-bound IDPs weren't going to be a burden on the Sindh government. They were heading to Karachi to live with their Pakhtun relatives and friends and seek means of livelihood in a city that is the obvious destination for most jobless and shelterless Pakistanis.

This is not to say that the PPP leadership, which we all know is dominated by the Sindhis, wasn't supportive of the move to keep the IDPs out of Sindh. President Asif Ali Zardari, who is still the PPPco-chairman, and some of his party colleagues have been for quite sometime advocating registering and controlling the IDPs coming to Karachi and the rest of Sindh. The MQM on its own could not have forced the Sindh government to take this decision. It needed sympathisers in the PPP to make the move and support the call for strike that was basically against its own government's inaction for not stopping theIDPs from entering Sindh. The ruling PPP cannot absolve itself of the blame for blocking the trucks and buses bringing the IDPs to Sindh at the border town of Kashmore and for insisting that they go back totheir native NWFP or stay in not-yet-ready tented camps there in the middle of nowhere. It was an insensitive act that added insult to injury and contributed to the pain suffered by the IDPs and felt by all Pakhtuns. More pain was inflicted on the Pakhtun psyche by certain PPP leaders, including its blundering spokesperson Fauzia Wahab, when the IDPs were equated to the Afghan refugees. If this isn't a slip of tongue, then it obviously means that many politicians and also other likeminded people from different walks of life in Punjab and Sindh have come to believe that the Afghan refugees too are primarily Pakhtuns and all of them need to be kept out of Pakistan's two biggest provinces to avoid harm.

The PML-N despite its praiseworthy relief work in support of the IDPs also damaged its growing reputation as a party sympathetic to the cause of smaller provinces by hesitating to allow setting up of IDPs camps in Punjab. Nawaz Sharif too backed the military operation in Malakand division after having pleaded earlier for a peaceful political solution of the issue of militancy and he cannot absolve his party now from the responsibility of the army action's consequences.In fact, it was the PML-N's backing for the military solution of the Swat issue that changed the course of the debate on the pros and cons of using the armed forces to solve a problem that emerged due to the unresponsive system of justice and governance and deteriorated when politicians failed to tackle it politically.

The apathy of some of the Sindh- and Punjab-based political forces to the woes of the IDPs looks all the more glaring when one compares it to the unparalleled generosity shown by the common people all over thecountry. In particular, the way the people opened their hearts and homes to the IDPs in NWFP was heart-warming to say the least. Nowhere was this magnanimity more visible than in Mardan and Swabi, the two districts that have received most of the displaced persons coming from neighbouring Swat, Buner and Dir. Villagers with little means have accommodated IDPs in their homes and hujras and those with a room or house to spare are still busy registering their names to show their willingness to take in the displaced families. Every village in Mardan and Swabi has become a camp for the IDPs. Little or no relief supplies have gone to these unknown IDPs' village camps because most of thegoods are going to the designated camps. In fact, almost 80 per cent of the IDPs are living outside the relief camps with relatives,acquaintances and even with strangers.

If ordinary Pakhtun villagers with few resources could do this on such a massive scale and lessen the burden of the government, is it asking too much from politicians who are in and out of power and are supposed to show the way to the nation to be sensitive to the plight of the IDPs instead of rubbing salt on their wounds? Or according to their interpretation the IDP issue should be a matter of concern for NWFP and the Pakhtuns only? If that is the case, then one should be worried about the damage this attitude could cause.

CASH REWARD FOR ARREST OF TALIBAN LEADERS

2009-05-27T20:24:00.000-07:00

Thursday, May 28, 2009

PESHAWAR: North West Frontier Province (NWFP) government has announced late on Wednesday the cash reward over information leading to the arrest of the 21 leaders of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Geo news reported.

According to NWFP information Minister Mian Iftikhar, Rs. 4 million will be awarded over the help arrest of TTP leader Molvi Fazlullah, Rs. 4 million over arrest of Haji Muslim Khan, Rs. 5 million over arrest of Naib Ameer TTP Shah Doran, Rs. 3 million over commander Qari Mushtaq Gali, Rs. 3 million over arrest of commander Koza Bandah Mehmood Khan, Rs. 2 million over arrest of commander Kabal Akber Hussain, Rs. 1 million over commander Charbagh Sher Muhammad Kasab, Rs. 3 million over commander Malam Jabba Sirajuddin, Rs. 3 million over Matta Bakht Farzandi, Rs. 1 million over local commander Koza Bandah Mian Fazal Gahfoor, Rs. 1 million over Matta Nisar Ahmed, Rs. 1 million over Baraymian Torobanda Lal Deen and others.

The advertisements, of the following cash reward from NWFP government over the information helpful for the arrest of 21 TTP leaders, have been published in all newspapers.

The ads stated that the names of the persons, providing information in this respect, will be kept secret while some telephone numbers, in this wake, have also been published in advertisements, sources confirmed. news 28-5-09

PAK TALIBAN COMMANDERS

2009-05-24T18:54:00.000-07:00

No evidence yet about death of leading militant figures

By Rahimullah Yusufzai

PESHAWAR: Intelligence gathered during the period when Maulana Sufi Mohammad-brokered peace deal was in force in Swat is helping security forces to target militants’ hideouts in the valley.

However, it isn’t clear due to the absence of media persons in Swat if the artillery shelling or air strikes are hitting the right targets. The military authorities have been claiming that they were right on target and were systematically destroying the militants’ positions through precision attacks by jet-fighters, gunship helicopters and artillery guns.

An officer of the country’s premier intelligence agency said he and his colleagues had travelled widely in Swat after the peace deal between Maulana Sufi Mohammad and the NWFP government in February 2009 and collected information that was proving useful. He said peacetime was best to do intelligence work.

The intelligence agencies have faced criticism from politicians, the media and members of the civil society for failing to locate and pin down the important Taliban commanders in Swat and the rest of the Malakand Division. Earlier, the spy agencies were criticised for being unable to provide timely information about the whereabouts of the Taliban and al-Qaeda figures and pinpoint their hideouts and arms depots in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata). In their defence, officials of the intelligence agencies point out that most of their work has remained hidden from the public due to obvious reasons.

Taliban and independent sources have yet to confirm the death of any top Taliban commander in the military action in Swat, Buner and Lower Dir. In Buner, a claim was made by the military authorities about the death of Taliban commanders Afsar Hameed and Maulana Khalil. Taliban denied the claim and both the commanders later spoke to reporters by phone to announce that they were alive.

In Lower Dir, it was claimed that the head of the Taliban named Maulana Shahid had been killed in military action. Though Taliban have failed to produce him before the media despite promises, many people in Maidan area say that Maulana Shahid has been making speeches on his FM radio. It could be someone else faking as Maulana Shahid.

Maulana Fazlullah, the head of Swat chapter of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), his Deputy Maulana Shah Dauran, Spokesman Muslim Khan and other important aides including Sirajuddin, Mufti Bashir, Maulana Khalil, also known as Mohammad Alam alias Binoray Mulla, were stated to be alive. Not much is known about the fate of leading Taliban commanders in Swat such as Ibne Amin, Akbar Hussain, Ghazni, Said Rahman alias Fateh though the militants are insisting that none of them has been harmed in the military action.

Most Taliban leaders have reportedly shifted out of Swat. Some reports suggested they could be in Lower Dir district or Bajaur Agency. Muslim Khan is occasionally accessible to reporters and he even managed to give interviews on his new mobile phone.

Certain official sources are confident that both Ibne Amin and his brother Ibne Aqeel, hailing from Matta Tehsil, have been killed in two separate incidents. The military authorities had made a public claim about Ibne Aqeel’s death in a failed Taliban assault on the Matta police station. Taliban denied the claim. Though the death of Ibne Amin, probably the most ruthless Taliban commander in Swat, wasn’t publicly claimed by the government, sources in the intelligence agencies said he died along with his wife and children when his house in the Namal valley was hit by an air strike. There has been no independent confirmation of this piece of information. If true, Ibne Amin’s death would be a major setback for the Swat Taliban.

Another disputed claim concerned the death of a Taliban commander Abu Tariq, also in the Matta area. This was an unfamiliar name for journalists covering Swat militancy. It later turned out that Taliban Spokesman, Muslim Khan, was sometimes referred to as Abu Tariq. He himself confirmed to reporters that he was Abu Tariq and was alive.
The name of Rashid Lala, a Taliban commander for Mingora city, was also mentioned among those killed in the military operation. But sources with good information about the situation in Mingora insisted that he was alive and ready to fight should security forces enter Mingora. Two other junior Taliban commanders in Mingora named Osama and Farooq were also stated to be alive. However, the sources maintained that not more than 50 Taliban fighters were left in Mingora as the rest had escaped. They felt these Taliban would not be able to put much resistance when security forces would storm the city. There were reports that the troops had laid siege to Mingora from four sides, reaching Rahimabad from Qambar side, Naway Killay from Kanju area, the People’s Chowk from Fizzaghat side, and Mingora police station from the Saidu Sharif town. Taliban fighters were reportedly massed at the Green Chowk and certain other strategic places in the city.

Another report said the Taliban fighters were massing outside Mingora in the Kabal Tehsil in places like Shah Dherai, Akhund Dheray, etc and, in lesser numbers in Charbagh. Correct and up-to-date intelligence information would be crucial in locating and targeting the Taliban commanders and fighters in Swat. Any failure on the part of the sleuths would prolong the military operation and, in the process, extend the agony of the displaced people. NEWS 25-5-09

DEADLY DRONE ATTACK S IN NORTH WAZIRISTAN

2009-05-18T00:46:00.000-07:00

40 militants die in NWA drone strikes
Sunday, May 17, 2009

Senior Taliban commanders among those killed in deadliest US attacks so far
By Mushtaq Yusufzai, Mumtaz Khan & Haji Mujtaba

PESHAWAR/MIRAMSHAH: Forty people, most of them militants, were killed and several others critically injured in two successive attacks by US spy planes at Khaisur village of Mirali subdivision of North Waziristan Agency on Saturday morning.

“It is the biggest-ever loss for the Mujahideen in the tribal areas so far,” militant sources claimed.

Tribal sources said two US spy planes were seen flying over Khaisur village, 20 kilometres south of the Mirali subdivision, the second major town of militancy-wrecked North Waziristan tribal region.

The drones fired two missiles at a double-cabin pick-up parked close to a mud-house allegedly used as a hideout by the Taliban militants.

According to sources, the militants had just sat in the vehicle and were due to travel to some undisclosed location when they came under attack around 8:00 am.

Soon after the attack, other militants staying at the building arrived and started rescue work. “They were recovering bodies of the slain militants when the drone fired two more missiles, almost 12 minutes after the first attack. It was terrible as almost all the Taliban involved in rescue work were targeted,” stated a local militant commander based in Mirali.
Pleading anonymity, he said majority of the militants killed in the attack were local tribal militants, and their bodies were badly burnt and split into pieces.

“We lost very trained and sincere friends. Some of them were very senior Taliban commanders and had taken part in successful actions in Afghanistan. Bodies of most of them were beyond recognition,” the militant commander said in a choked voice.

He vowed they would take revenge on the American forces in Afghanistan for the killing of the Taliban.
“The Pakistan government has failed to protect us against the US aggression and, therefore, we will soon teach a lesson to the US troops in Afghanistan,” the enraged militant commander maintained.

He said the militants had made all arrangements for their trip to Afghanistan and fight against the US-led forces there. The militant commander said a few of the victims were Arab fighters.

He denied reports that senior al-Qaeda operatives were among the victims of the drone attacks. “It’s the biggest-ever loss of Mujahideen in any drone attack so far,” he claimed.

The militant commander admitted that US spies had entered their movement and that’s why the Taliban were now suffering heavy losses in drone attacks in North and South Waziristan tribal regions.

“There is no question for strange people to enter our centres. It is impossible without the involvement of people having close liaison with the Taliban,” said the Taliban commander.

Tribal sources in Mirali said the Taliban fighters cordoned off the venue after the first attack and did not allow the villagers to see what had happened to them. However, after the second attack, nobody was there in Khaisur village to retrieve the bodies of the slain militants. Even villagers were reluctant to go there and take part in rescue work.

It was later when the drones disappeared, the militants started arriving from the adjoining villages in pick-ups and cars in large numbers at the spot.

The villagers said some of the militants could not control their emotions and cried over the loss of senior fighters.

A government official in Mirali confirmed the drone attack in Khaisur village but said he did not know about the exact losses of the militants.
“Taliban always cordon off an area and don’t allow even local tribesmen to visit the targeted building,” the official said and declined to be named.
It is pertinent to mention here that Taliban in the tribal areas, particularly North and South Waziristan tribal regions where they are in full control, had killed dozens of people on charges of spying on the militants for the US forces in Afghanistan.

They usually behead the alleged US spies and then place their bodies at busy squares or roadside. However, they never punished their own people on charges of spying for the US forces.

It is astonishing that despite a full-scale military operation launched by Pakistan against the Taliban in the Malakand region, the US forces are yet to stop targeting the tribal areas while the drone strikes have been fuelling anger among the people against the Pakistan government and the armed forces.

AFP adds: Other intelligence officials put the death toll as high as 28, saying the dead were mostly local militants from a local Wazir tribe who had been preparing to leave for neighbouring Afghanistan to carry out attacks. NEWS MAY 18,2009

THIS IS RADIO TALIBAN

2009-05-18T00:26:00.000-07:00

By Fawad Ali Shah

KARACHI: “Da paka army na ganda army da, da kafiran di dwee na sirf sar na di prekawol pakar balkai da dwee tukri tukri kol pakar di,” (They are not the Pak army, they are infidels, not only behead them but also chop their bodies up into little pieces), this is what Zuleikha, 52, heard on Fazlullah FM, after the military operation was launched in Swat; it was Maulana Shah Duran, a close-aide of Maulana Fazlullah, who delivered the speech.

“They call the police and army infidels and have given permission to everyone to kill them,” says Zuleikha, who hails from the Khwazakhela Town of the Swat Valley. She migrated to Karachi a few days ago, as the law and order situation in the valley deteriorates. She is currently living with her daughter, who has been living in Qasbah Colony, Karachi for the last ten years.

Zuleikha reveals that Maulana Shah Duran, who was one of the three speakers on Fazlullah FM, would use abusive language when talking about government officials. The FM radio would broadcast programmes from 8:00 to 10:00 pm and rebroadcast them from seven to nine in the morning. The programme schedule was divided into three segments; the recitation of Holy Quran verses and their inferences, threats to opponents and a programme titled ‘Good News’.

Many violent incidents started after Maulana Fazlullah established a FM radio station in Swat; he first used the station for the purpose of reciting and preaching Quranic verses, but later on, he and his accomplices used it to spread propaganda. This radio station was very popular among women, who traditionally stay at home in the Malakand division. On it, they could learn the Quran and the principles of Islam.

“When I heard it for the first time, I found it very informative,” the elderly woman, playing with her granddaughter’s locks said. The station would teach us Islamic rituals and other things, she added, however, she laments that later on, Maluana Fazlullah and Shah Durran started using abusive languages on the station. “Women would follow all the instructions he gave in the beginning and listened very carefully to the radio, however, it lost it’s attraction for them as soon as Durran started dictating what to do and what not to do,” Zuleikha went on to say. “Even after the peace agreement was signed they continued dictating people.”
Though the women lost interest in the Fazlullah FM and would only listen to the recitation and explanation of versus of the Holy Quran, the children had their own reasons to listen to the station. “I loved the way he used to talk about the policemen,” said Alamzaib, 9, who is presently living in Banaras at his uncle’s home. “Maulana Shah Alam would call them chickens,” he narrates the story with fun. “I would listen to the second part of their programme, which was usually hosted by one of the accomplices of Maulana Fazlullah.”

With a smile on his face, the child revealed that Taliban would issue instructions and would name the policemen who would be killed the next day. However, he adds that he abhors the Taliban, as one of their accomplices had slapped him while he was playing ‘gulli danda’ with his friend.

“Learn how to play with guns,” the Taliban man advised him. He maintained that Shah Duran also did not like games and called them, ‘a waste of time’.

Zainab, 24, has her own story of the Taliban and their radio to tell. “I listened to it because it was so funny; Shah Duran who has been the leading presenter on FM, in the recent days, would use abusive funny language.” However, Zainab says Maulana Fazlullah does not appear on the radio anymore.

The men of Swat were not interested in the religious sermons and would listen to the radio in the days of war to learn the new directives of Taliban, as going against them would cost them their lives.

“They would abuse clean-shaven people in public and called them transgenders,” said Jamal Khan, who hails from Kabal Town and has migrated to Karachi in the wake of the ongoing military operation.DAILY TIMES MAY 18,2009

SOME ULEMA BACK ARMY OPERATIONS AGAINST TNSM

2009-05-18T00:17:00.000-07:00

Ulema say suicide attacks are un-Islamic

By Syed Irfan Raza

Monday, 18 May, 2009

ISLAMABAD, May 17: Leading Ulema of the country declared on Sunday that suicide attacks and beheading of people were ‘un-Islamic’ acts and said that militants in Swat and Fata were pursuing the agenda of Pakistan’s enemies.

The edict was issued at a convention of Ulema and Mashaikh from different parts of the country. This is the first time that prominent Ulema and religious scholars, mostly belonging to the Sunni school of thought, have denounced the Taliban and their inhuman acts in such a categorical manner.

A unanimous resolution adopted at the convention said: “The assassination of Ulema should be stopped and sacred places, including shrines, should be cleared of extremists. Suicide attacks and beheading is Haram”.

The convention also condemned the killing of innocent people in the US drone attacks and urged the government to raise the issue at the United Nations.

The Ulema said the US drone strikes were challenging the country’s sovereignty. “The government must take effective measures to force the US to halt these strikes.”

They supported the military operation in Swat and other parts of Malakand and declared it a ‘war for Pakistan’s integrity and sovereignty’. The elements engaged in creating a state within the state must be crushed, they added.

The convention also adopted a resolution backing the all-parties conference convened by the prime minister.

Maulana Sahibzada Fazal Karim, a leader of Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan, said in his address that those trying to harm the integrity of Pakistan should be severely dealt with.

He and other Ulema stressed the need for forging unity against militancy.
Some of them expressed readiness to form their own Lashkar against the Taliban if security forces needed their help to eradicate terrorists from the troubled areas.

“We played our role during the independence movement and we will protect the country and foil every design of the enemy,” Sahibzada Karim said, adding that the operation in Swat was the need of the hour because some sections of society were forcing people to accept their brand of Islam. “These elements kill those who opposed them,” he said.

The JUP leader also vowed to enforce Sharia in the country. He said a number of agencies were working against the integrity of Pakistan and were trying to destabilise its economy. “These agencies were pouring millions of dollars and large quantities of weapons into areas along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border,” he said.

Ruet-i-Hilal Committee chairman Mufti Muneeb-ur-Rehman criticised the establishment for patronising the militants for almost three decades. “We are now harvesting the crop we sowed three decades ago.”

He said the practice to surrender before the gun should end and called for a decisive offensive against the militants.

Mufti Muneeb said those who were fighting in the name of Sharia must first abide by Islamic laws.

He said the Taliban were even slaughtering children. “This is contrary to the teachings of Islam which calls for protecting people who are not involved in battle,” he said.

“If the Taliban have any respect for Islamic values, they should give up bloodshed because it was harming national integrity,” the Mufti said.
The Ulema also called on the Organisation of Islamic Conference to come forward to help the displaced people of Swat and other parts of Malakand.

Dr Sarfaraz Naeemi called upon Ulema to forge unity in their ranks against the conspiracies of the Taliban, Sufi Mohammad and enemies of the country. He urged the government to reject the US agenda of controlling Madaris. Sarwat Ejaz Qadri said the Taliban had tarnished the image of Islam across the world. “All Muslims should stand up against them.”

Haji Hanif Tayyab said security forces were fighting the militants to save the country. He called for trying Sufi Mohammad for mutiny.DAWN 18-5-09

SITUATION IN SWAT AS ON MAY 17,2009

2009-05-18T00:14:00.000-07:00

Forces enter Matta and Kanju:

18 May, 2009

ISLAMABAD, May 17: Security forces achieved significant successes in the Malakand operation and 25 militants were killed in clashes on Saturday night and Sunday, the Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) said.

An army officer also lost his life and seven security personnel, including an army officer, were injured.

According to an ISPR press release, Operation ‘Rahe Rast’ has entered a new phase.It said troops had surrounded and entered Matta and Kanju to flush out terrorists.

Local people have been urged to help troops to identify militants and to keep away from their strongholds and hideouts.

The ISPR said troops could clear, secure and hold the area only with the help of local population, adding that security forces would flush out the militants or kill them.

Troops destroyed militant compounds in Dang Arkot and Nazarabad near Ranial when they encountered resistance. Five militants were killed in the mop-up operation.

A sketch of military deployment in Swat was also found from one of the compounds.The bodies of terrorists killed during the offensive were still lying there.

Security forces secured areas between Kanju and Nawan Killi (Ayub Bridge) and Ballogram and Takhta Band Bypass after intense fighting.
ISPR said that soldiers were fiercely engaging terrorists on the outskirts of Mingora.

Troops, meanwhile, were expanding their foothold in the Peochar valley, regained from terrorists earlier this week.

An army officer was killed and two soldiers were injured during action to clear and secure an important position on Saturday night. At least 20 militants were killed in the fighting.

Militants used rockets and 12.7mm machine-guns against the advancing troops in the area.

Security forces were consolidating their positions in Chakdara and cleared the area between Barikot and Tandodag. —APP DAWN OF 18-5-09

SITUATION IN BUNER AS ON MAY17,2009

2009-05-18T00:06:00.000-07:00

Daggar — devastation all around

By Zahid Hussain

Monday, 18 May, 2009

DAGGAR (Buner), May 17: Burnt vehicles, spent artillery shells and broken electric poles were strewn across the dusty road. There were devastated houses riddled with bullets and artillery shells all around.
A few young men sat chatting inside a tobacco shop which opened for some time on Sunday during a curfew break. On a corner of the main street, Amir Basha examined his devastated grocery shop. He had returned to the town on Sunday during the curfew break from Peshawar where he and his family have taken refuge after fleeing the fighting some three weeks ago. “I don’t think my family can return home soon,” he muttered shaking his head in despair.

Ambela, a small mountainous town of some 10,000 inhabitants became the frontline in the military’s battle against the Taliban. The troops have flushed out militants after fierce clashes which also forced almost the entire population to flee the town. But the militants still lurked in the mountains not far from there. “We fear that they may come back after the troops are withdrawn,” said Mr Basha.

A few families have trickled back after security forces relaxed curfew restrictions to allow farmers to harvest the wheat crop. “This is the only source of living for me and for my family,” said Rehman Gul, a 50-year-old farmer working in his small field with his two sons. But most of the crop may go waste as uncertainty and fear held back most farmers from returning home.

According to officials, more than half of Buner’s 700,000 population have left there homes. They have joined another one million refugees from Swat and other conflict zones triggering one of the worst humanitarian crises in the country’s 62-year history.

The government rushed some 5,000 army and paramilitary troops to Buner after the Taliban advancing from the neighbouring Swat valley seized control of the district which is famous for its fruit orchards and fertile land. The Taliban’s offensive was embarrassing for the military and the weak civilian government.

Pakistani military said scores of militants had been killed in Buner. But the fighting is far from over. Hundreds of militants are still entrenched in Sultanwas and Pir Baba areas, just three miles from Daggar, the main town and administrative headquarters of Buner. The mountains echoed with the thunder of artillery fire at regular interval.

Life is slowly returning to Daggar and Swahri which have been least affected by the fighting but a deep feeling of unease was quite evident. People fear that fighting could resume with the Taliban still holding on in many parts of Buner.

“The militants are still controlling some key routes and villages,” conceded a nervous Yahya Akhunzada, the district DCO, sitting inside his heavily guarded office. He said there were some 350 militants, including some Arabs and Uzbeks, were holding on in Sultanwas which has become Taliban’s main base in the region. It has also been described as ‘Peochar’ of Buner.

The militants were also controlling Pir Baba, another town where the shrine of highly revered Sufi saint is located. “Armed Taliban are patrolling the streets,” said Mohammed Khan, a local shopkeeper.
Mr Akhunzada said the situation was still tense. “We can only ask the people to return when the entire area is cleared,” he said. He expressed the hope that the militants would be driven out soon.

Officials fear that more militants could enter Buner as the army presses ahead in Swat. More than 15,000 troops are battling some 5,000 militants in the valley. The army has been preparing to take control of Swat’s main town of Mingora where many of the estimated 5,000 Taliban fighters in the valley are believed to be holed up.

A major problem is to rebuild the infrastructure destroyed during the fighting. The supply of electricity, which comes through Malakand, cannot be restored without eliminating the militants from the entire region. Local officials said it would take months to restore power supply and the infrastructure even if the fighting stopped soon. And there is no sign of it happening soon.DAWN 18-5-09

RAHMAN BABA: THE MOST-LOVED PASHTUN

2009-05-15T06:22:00.000-07:00

Tuesday, 17 March 2009
The attack at Rahman Baba's shrine is an attempt to destroy the Pashtun heritage

By Rahimullah Yusufzai: The News On Sunday

Two Pashto language poets are household names among the Pashtuns whether they live in Afghanistan, Pakistan or anywhere else in the world. One is the warrior-poet Khushal Khan Khattak and the other Rahman Baba. The former may sometimes arouse tribal animosity on account of his feuds with rival tribes but the latter is loved by every Pashtun.

It was, therefore, natural for the Pashtun to be outraged when they came to know about the recent bombing of the shrine of their most beloved poet. It was something unimaginable. The attack was seen as an attempt to destroy the Pashtun heritage. As someone commented, the enemies of the Pashtuns weren't even willing to spare their long dead heroes.

The 16th century sufi poet's original name was Abdur Rahman. But he is held in so much reverence that he is universally known as Rahman Baba. The Pashtuns, and many other ethnic groups, reserve the title Baba for their religious, spiritual and literary figures. Babas are supposed to be old and wise men who preach peace and work for love, harmony and tolerance.

Rahman Baba's shrine is located in a cemetery not far from Bahadur Killay, the suburban Peshawar village where he was born in 1653. He died in 1711 and is buried in Hazarkhwani village, sited three kilometres from the city near the chaotic Ring Road. Before Peshawar's haphazard expansion on all sides, his grave and the graveyard were located in the midst of a vast and green rural landscape. His mausoleum, with its gleaming white dome that is visible from afar, is still a bit removed from the main roads and not easy to approach. Poets and writers, along with his innumerable devotees, often complain that the shrine's location is lonely and off the beaten track. They want a wide approach road to be built to enable his fans to visit his grave more often.

The mausoleum, which had become a landmark owing to its impressive height and façade, suffered extensive damage in the bombing. Engineers have declared the building dangerous and recommended its reconstruction. The ANP-PPP coalition government in the NWFP, which has come under strong criticism for its failure to provide security to the people, has already allocated Rs15 million for the reconstruction. Increased security measures have been announced for the shrine and a police post would be set up for the purpose. The security was lax at the time of the attack but nobody has been held responsible or punished for the lapse. One reason for the inadequate security was obviously the thought that nobody would attack and desecrate the grave and mausoleum of the most beloved Pashto poet.

The ease with which the four or five attackers sneaked into the mausoleum from a rear door after smashing the windowpanes explains the laxity of the security at the place. Dawn hadn't broken yet and the few caretakers were apparently asleep or not even at the site of the mausoleum. They could have been at the nearby mosque or at their homes. The miscreants had enough time planting explosives to the four pillars that support the huge building. Two bombs were also buried on the right and left side of the grave of Rahman Baba, a man of God who never harmed anyone in his life. The bomb placed to the right of the grave didn't explode or it would have cause extensive damage. The five explosive devices placed in the pillars and the bomb planted to the left of the grave exploded simultaneously around 5.07 am and the explosions were heard all over Peshawar. Cracks appeared in the gigantic structure and the damaged pillars seem unable to support the building. It may collapse anytime but this hasn't deterred Rahman Baba's devotees, along with those hungry for a photo-session and publicity, from going inside to place wreaths, chaddars and candles, on his grave.

Thousands of people have visited the shrine since its bombing. Many were seen weeping and wiping off their tears. Every visitor cursed the attackers. Most refused to believe that a Pashtun could do this to the mausoleum of Rahman Baba. Militants were the usual prime suspects but their motives appeared unclear. When the shrine of Bahadur Baba, a respected religious and spiritual figure, was attacked with missiles a day after the bombing of Rahman Baba's mausoleum, it was felt that this was a calculated move to desecrate the graves of saints and poets loved by the Pashtuns and was, therefore, an attempt to provoke them. Other shrines too have been desecrated in recent years.

Pirs, faith healers and magicians have also been attacked and harmed in parts of the NWFP. A few were killed and others forced to give up the profession. Many faith-healers, who dealt in "taveez" (amulets) offering cure and good luck to clients, in Swat and rest of Malakand division were warned by the militants to stop their business or face the consequences. All of them complied after making public announcements and placing paid advertisements in the local newspapers.

Villagers from Hazarkhwani, Bahadur Killay and other nearby villages held a demonstration to protest the attack on Rahman Baba's mausoleum. His fame had made his native village and the neighbourhood famous and proud. The bombing provoked every dweller of these ancient villages angry and triggered the spontaneous demonstration.

The caretaker of Rahman Baba's mausoleum, Gohar Ali, received a threatening phone call from an unknown person two days before the attack. The caller threatened an attack if female visitors weren't stopped from entering the shrine. According to Gohar Ali, the shrine was partitioned for male and female visitors in a way that they couldn't see each other. He argued that it was impossible to stop the women from visiting the shrine as most came to the cemetery to pray at the graves of their relatives buried there. No extra security measures were put in place after the threats. The attackers, who according to most accounts were militants, thus found it easy to act upon their threats and bomb the mausoleum.

The work on the Rahman Baba mausoleum complex was completed in 1994. It included the mausoleum, mosque, a little used library and a cafeteria. The project cost Rs 110 million but there wasn't any proper funding for the upkeep of the mausoleum. Mir Afzal Khan, the late chief minister of NWFP, had approved the project at the time and laid its foundation stone. Former President Farooq Leghari inaugurated the complex.

According to Hidayatullah Khan, Nazim of the Hazarkhwani union council where the mausoleum is located and an active member of the Rahman Baba Adabi Jirga, residents of the area were bearing expenses of the maintenance and expansion of the shrine and serving voluntarily as its "khadims" (servants). The jirga held literary sittings at the mausoleum, which came alive on Thursday evenings as devotees and poets, writers and fans of Rahman Baba visited the place. The annual gatherings at the shrine were big events. However, the shrine remained deserted most of the year. It was one such night when the attackers found it easy to bomb the mausoleum and hurt the feelings of the Pashtuns.

BOOKS ABOUT PASHTUNS ETC

2009-05-14T00:51:00.000-07:00

( FROM KHYBERWATCH OF MAY,2006)
There are some books available which to some extent covers chach and its people:

1. Campbellpur - Ancient and Modern (The Brittish Role-The
Pakistani Role).By; Ayub Khan Saidookhail

Published by: Saidokhail TradersVillage and Post Office GhorghoshtiDistt. Campbellpur
The preface was dated 1978.

2. Punjab District Gazatteers Attock District 1930 & 1907

Its a
bit old but there is quite a lot which might be relevant still.It says that the majority of the tribes belong to various branches of the Yusufzai tribe and that they migrated to the area from the areas across the Indus river (Swabi). Utmanzai is mentioned as the main branch from which there are other branches, Alizai, Kanizai and Akazai. Tarkhelis are said to be a branch of Alizai. Other tribes are also mentioned like Dilazaks, Pirokhels(branch of Afridi), Ghilzai and Manduri, Barahzai( both said to be branches of Yusufzais).In the Gazatteers from Peshawar and Hazara the same tribes are said to live in Swabi and the Southern part of Hazara (bordering Attock)

About migration the book (1907 ed) says: "There is also a litte
permanent immigration from the Mardan Tahsil of Peshawar across the river","From the north east corner of the Chhachh very large numbers of men go out as stokers on the P. and O. and Brittish India boats, and come back shattered in health, but full of money. Others used to go as hawkers to Australia, and indeed there are very few parts of the empire which someone in the Chhachh has not visited,"

1930's Ed says: "There are over 300 Chhachhi Pathans employed in HongKong alone, mostly as darwans, some as contractors of labour, others in comercial pursuits, and a few fill posts of conciderable responsibility under the administration."

1907'Ed mentions some of the notable men of the time:" Gulab Khan and Najf Khan of Ghurgashti, Muzaffar Khan and Mirdad Khan, Malik Mala,Bahadur Khan of Babbudi, Mahomed Khan of Sarwana, Mahomed Azim Khan,Honorary Magistrate, Hazro; Hafiz Sher Mahomed Khan and Shahbaz Khanalso of Hazro; Ali Akbar Khan of Yasin, Mahomed Amir Khan of Waisa,Sher Dil Khan of Shinka, Ali Bahadur Khan of Islamgarh and Mir AfzalKhan and Humayun Khan of Harun."----------------------
judging from recent ethnographic studies, researched from the University of Lahore, it is evident that as many as 80% of chach pathan tribes originate from the yousafzai.

On the topic of books, Daman-e-Abaseen, is a very interesting book
on the history of Chach Pathans. I have also great pleasure in
announcing that a book has been published on the history of the
greatest Chach Pathan warrior of the early 18th century, the Great Nawab Najabat Khan. The book has been written by Akbar Khan and is entitled Tazkira Nawab Najabat Khan (Nawab of Kunjpura), and includes commentary from Sikandar Khan, the author of Daman-e-Abaseen. It must be noted however, that the book written by Mr Akbar Khan is not comprehensive, and does not cover events that occured in Ghourghushti, which lead to his migration, and later his conquests in the Punjab.Nawab Najabat Khan never returned to Ghourghusti. His home in Ghourghusti to this day is still occupied by his descendant familymembers (i.e those kin that remained in Ghourghusti). The home has had many visitors from the Punjab, particularly Kunjpur where the descendants of Najabat Khan would come and visit and marvel at the similarity of the occupants to the description of Najabat Khan that they have been told about by their forefathers.Nawab Najabat Khan's descendants in Kunjpur became part of the social elite during the 19th and early 20th century. He was a modest man, and had good qualities such as honesty, bravery and piety. His characteristics are more akin to his descendants in ghourghusti, who are completely unaware of this great man's accomplishments, than his descendants in Kunjpar, who can now be found in cities such as Lahore and Karachi. Nawab Najabat Khan is from the Salarkhel tribe(nowadays pronounced as Sarkhel, which stem from the Yousafzai tribe.=================================some pashtoon villages Sheenkay, jalala,Mian derai,waisa,nar topa, malao,tajik, damaan,parmalee,barazai, ghor ghushtee,khalo, kaman parhttp://ghorghushti.netfirms.com/Ghourghushti.htm
__________________The Truth Only Hurts; It's The Lies That Kill."

I want to know the difference between chach pathans and pathans in peshawar, yousafzai.You all living in chach area might know that in ghourgushti mostly pathans dont marry their daughters outside their tribe, can we chachi pathans marry yousafzai??-----------------------------------------------------there is no such thing as a chachi pathan.......chac is an area and yusufzai is a tribe...i would say most of the afghan origin people in chach are yusufzai......the people of chach do not think low of the people across the river, although the people across the river might look down upon hindko speakers as they associate hindko with non-afghan origin people. hindko speakers in peshawar city rarely have any afghan blood in them and trace their roots to kashmir, punjab or are locals.i know of many pakhtun and hindko speaking afghan origin people in chach who have married from sawabi. peshawar is quite far from us and many of my villagers would think getting married into shadi khan which is abot 10 km away as too far. there is also cultural dfferences between chach people and sarhad people.....as most chach afghan origin people do not speak Pakhtu anymore they have little links with Pakhtun culture....the media and influence they use will come from Punjab or India - the songs they play, music they listen to etc etc etc.its not ghurghushti that peop[le just do this....its almost every pakisatni village....lol....people from ghurghushti will get marred into sheenka, barazai, pabuto, malakmala, natopa, hazro etc as i have known also they will marry from the ghazi area too....but generaly marrying out is rare for most pakistanis

The difference Dear Friendsi wanna give the answer of one friend she says that why Ghour Ghoushti pathan not married there daughter in out side the tribe and also diffrient between Peshawar pathans and Chach pathan according to my knowladge every PASHTO speeking is not pathan the are from diffrint tribs not pathan in peshawar basicaly live pathan they are technical person so we say in URDU pesha war i mean do any specilest in there work like Mochi Tharkan Lohar many other they speek pashtoo so we say pathan and orignal pathan of peshawar are DalaZaik trib and chach pathan come from Afghanistan the not come from Peshawar most of chach pathan from Ghazni and other area of Afghanistan and chach pathan not like give there daughter to other trib except pathan coz they say we r pathan and also i give u the information about the word PAKHTONi axplain this in pashtooP - path ( To give respect to othere )KH - Khigira ( to give the protection to othere who come in there protection)T - Toora . ( Do some extra ordinari work like in speed"N- Nighyalay ( who give the life on land "country" Petriot ".may be i am not fully explain this is any friend know please explain fullyi thing all my friend know well about pathan of chach and peshawar next time i give u the all detail of chach and sarounding area.

Language change in Cahch from Pashtu to Hindko the question is why do so many chach people marry into Hindko families.Until maybe a 100 years ago there were so many Pashtuns in Chach bt now there are not even a 1/3 left. Where did they all go?The one way I think they all disappeared was through inter-marriage.....large portions of Barazo, Ghurghshto, Malak Mala and so many other villages were Pashtun but now there is 0 left....where did they all go.........The non-pathans and the Pakhtuns must have inter-married......to bring Hindko into a Pashtun locality............Fact 1. Pabuto - the village between Malak Mala and Natopa is more or less Pashtun 95%. The few who speak Hindko are not of Afghan origin and ae labelled by the Pashtuns generally as low class or "Kami". These are not my views bt the views our peopel held. Pabutowal people do not intermarry with these and have retained their Pashtu.

Fact 2. Looking at Sheenka and Natopa which have large numbers of both Pasht and Hindko speakers. The language which is grwoing and spreading is Hindko at the expense of Pashtu. Pashtu the native language of the Afghans/pathans is losing out slowly in these 2 villages. How is this happening? Through inter-marriage wth Hindko speakers. So a lot fo Chachies will now have mixed blood. The numer of hindko speakers must have grown so high tha Pasht must have become no longer needed as a language of communication. language spreads quickest through marriage - the number of one parent pashtun and one parenst hindko speaker families I know from Chach are quite high - one thing i notice about the kids is that they will speak hindko more.

Language change in Cahch from Pashtu to Hindko With respect, your question: "the question is why do so many chach people marry into Hindko families" seems to me to be nonsensical, and the 'facts' that you have stated are not exactly facts, they are your theories.Chach is an area, whose inhabitants are many, including Pathans, Kashimiris, Punjabis, Gujjars, and who speak various mother tongues. I have not come across any literature which suggests that the original language of this area, which formed Gandhara, was Pushto. On the contrary, ancient text states that the people of Gandhara spoke Hindko. It is not clear, if it is the same Hindko that many people in Chach speak today. However, it is true to say that many originally Pushto speaking Pathans nowadays speak Hindko. From my experience, i do not believe this is due to inter-marriages, it is just due to social change. There are various factors which neccesitate social change, e.g. education, local government, local market forces.A number of texts and folklore suggests that Ghourghusti was originally inhabited by two Afghan clans, the descendants of whom still live in Ghourghushti. There is no evidence to suggest that this is true for the rest of Chach.-------------------------------------------

economics does play a role in language cange for sure......but the fact is many people must have inter-married....Hindko took a place in the houses of Afghans .

Language change in Cahch from Pashtu to Hindko A statement may only be deemed 'fact' if you have evidence to prove it. There are many Pathans who live in Ghourghushti, who have only married within their own clan. Pushto was quite prominent in Ghourghushti three or four generations ago, ask your own elders, if you are from Ghourghushti. The language became less fashionable due to societal change, there are so many Pathan clans in Ghourghushti these days, whose members no longer speak Pushto, there may have been some inter-marriage, but that is very rare, and is not the main reason why Pushto is not spoken as much in Ghourghushti.

Language change in Cahch from Pashtu to Hindko so what are you saying - the people suddenly left pashtu?i met many elders from ghurghshti malak mala who claim they speak pashtu.....but they dont......they lost it before that...language change must have happened when teh kids started aspeaking hindko at home....how did t ecome th majority language

very informative post .hey guys why dont we start new thread for Pashtoons in Attock & Mianwali? plz give your suggestion.

Welldone Guys ! now we have one thread dedicated to our pashtoon brothers and sisters living in attock and mainwali...Nazia..Aemal khan..Dawezay..khanjee now come forword with more information regarding this area...Blive me there was a time when khan e shaheed khan Abdula samad khan achakzai used to visit other parts of pashtoon land then ppl used to call him balochi khan and wonder how a baloch could speak that pure pashto...it wasn't thier fault it was just coz we are divided and ppl have less information about geoghraphy of pashtoon land..so,now a days we are living in world of internet and we must collect and provide every possible information to those pashtoons who still dont know about thier land's geoghraphy and tribes residing there.....i would be happy if someone type for any information regarding pashto and pashtoon in yahoo and google and it would lead them to our forum and work of our respected member's.Thank you.

PASHTUNS & SUICIDE TERRORISM

2009-05-14T00:40:00.000-07:00

( Postings dated August 18,2008, from Khyberwatch. Names edited by me )

The lethal combination of extremist Islam and Pashto

SALAMONA TERRORISM HAS BEEN CONCENTRATED IN PASHTUN AREAS OF PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN ,BESIDES TERRORISM IN IRAQ, SRILANKA ,COLOMBIA AND FEW OTHER PLACES IN THE WORLD , PASHTUN AREAS PRESENT THE WORST SCENE , IN AFGHANISTAN 100%SUICiDES BOMBERS AND FIGHTERS ARE PASHTUNS ,IN PAKISTAN ALMOST 80 % AND MAJORITY OF THEM ARE YOUNG PASHTUN BOYS AND NOW GIRLS TOO!!!!!!!!!!!!WHY THIS IS SO ????? I THINK BECAUSE OF THE LETHAL COMBINATION OF PASHTO AND WAHABI DEOBANDI EXTREMIST ISLAM ,,,,,TWO FIRES HAVE BEEN MERGED INTO A GIGANTIC FLAME PASHTUN BEING SINCERE , SIMPLE INDEPENDENT MINDED PEOPLE AND WAHABI TEACHINGS OF THE PROMULGATION OF SHARIA WITHOUT STATE MAKES A VERY DANGERIOUS MIXTURE AND THREAT TOBOTH PAKISTAN,AFGHANISTAN AND THE WORLD AT LARGE WHAT DOYOU THINK ........DOYOU AGREE ????? WHY YOU AGREE ??IF NOT WHY NOT

No it is manipulated by Paki military. Pakhtoons are not suicide bombers rather suicide bombers are Paki/Panjabi imports(Arab),Pashtoon can fight but can not sucide.It will be hipocracy to camouflage Islam, of course it is terrorist. Wahabi/dubandi,barailwi,shia,suni,ismaili,qadiani ...all are from self contradictory confused origins. God would never divide human being.Islam (terrorism) idealogy is brought by Americans/Arab/Panjos and imposed on Pakhtoons. For Panjos Islam (terrorism) is business, For Arabs it is global influence and Arab nationalism.Eitherway It is crystal clear Pakhtoons and Baloch have nofuture in Panjabistan.
__________________سر د ي دە وندر دە غلامي نە را بهر کړ ه ته لګ حر کت وە کړە پە ووم تار تړلي شو ي يي

Quote:
IN AFGHANISTAN 100%SUICiDES BOMBERS AND FIGHTERS ARE PASHTUNS ,IN PAKISTAN ALMOST 80 % AND MAJORITY OF THEM ARE YOUNG PASHTUN BOYS AND NOW GIRLS TOO!!!!!!!!!!!! What data or sources support this assertion? This is important because many enemies of Pukhtoons are ardently working to defame Pukhtoons by calling them terrorist.

aimal, the reality has a different scream...the ones who create and finanse terrorists and terrorism are PAKIS...100%...there is no doubt. Recently many punjabis (also some pashtuns who were manipulated by fake silly mullas with the help of ISI) have been captured by afghan forces and they have said that ISI is their leader. Pakistan keeps spreading terroism even from its embassy in bara pukhtunkhwa.
__________________راشي راواړوي زما سترګي د يار د سترګو پە ننني جنګ کښي د
No it is manipulated by Paki military. Pakhtoons are not suicide bombers rather suicide bombers are Paki/Panjabi imports(Arab),Pashtoon can fight but can not sucide.It will be hipocracy to camouflage Islam, of course it is terrorist. Wahabi/dubandi,barailwi,shia,suni,ismaili,qadiani ...all are from self contradictory confused origins. God would never divide human being.Islam (terrorism) idealogy is brought by Americans/Arab/Panjos and imposed on Pakhtoons. For Panjos Islam (terrorism) is business, For Arabs it is global influence and Arab nationalism.Eitherway It is crystal clear Pakhtoons and Baloch have nofuture in Panjabistan.Islam and terrorism are two different words. Islam means "peace", not terrorism.

salamuna yaw zal byafriends terrorism is a multidiemnsional phenomenon ,,,,,,,,,,,whatever I said that the lethal combiantion of pashto and extremist islam is the major cause of terrorism ,,not the only cause ,,,,,,,,,pak army , intelligence agencies , new world order, new great game, poverty, ignorance , illiteracy, misunderstanding of religious teachings , ethnicity, separatism, nationalism, sense of deprivation, aggrievation, oppression ,economic or cultural disadventage, non democracy, wrong globalization ,inferiorirty complex, etc can be other reasons. for me in our context pashto(as a code of life or pashtunwali)+extremist islam are the main reason of terrorism , suicide bombings etc. why???????? because its happening there , in pashtun areas physically practically no where else ,,,,,,i personally know that these are pashtuns who explode themselves , very few from other races in pakistan and afghanistan ,,in iraq yes they are arabs etc , in srilanka tamils . you might heard the story that one judge arrested the man who was robbed instead of arresting the thief ,,,because the man provided the opportunity of theft to the thief ,,,,,,,,this is we pashtuns who let others to play with us ,we are suscitible ,,,,,,the fault lies with us that arabs and americans and panjabis etc play with us ..why we let them to do so ...why they dont do it with others why with us only ,,,,,,,,,,the data taken in my first post is estimates not exact and based on my personal research we have to dismantle the lethal combination of extremist islam and pashto ,,,,,,,,,otherwise pashtuns will suffer and will be victimized

Nature abhors a vacuum.(Francois Rabelas)
ما پۀ ډيلی هم بادشاهی کړې دهزما دَ تورې شړنګ ؛ منې او کۀ نَه
چې ستا کوڅه پرې ګل ورينه شولهزما دَ وينې رنګ ؛ منې او کۀ نَه
( Ajmal Mansoor)

21 KILLED AS LASHKAR,POLICE FIGHT TALIBAN IN BUNER

2009-05-14T00:34:00.000-07:00

( post dated 7-4-2009) from www.khyber.org )

BUNER: Three police officials, two Lashkar (militia) men and sixteen militants were killed in overnight clash between Taliban and Qaumi Lashkar in Buner district, police and residents said on Tuesday.The fierce fighting erupted on Monday night when the Qaumi Lashkar and local police force made efforts to enter the Gokand valley via Rajagaly Kandow from Pir Baba side to flush out Taliban militants who had sneaked in to the district on Saturday from neighbouring Swat. The militants had earlier been asked to leave but had refused and took positions in the Gokand valley. The local jirga elders and district administration officials held several rounds of talks with the Taliban through a reconciliatory committee which included leaders of Tehrik Nefaz-i-Shariat Muhammadi (TNSM) in a bid to convince them to leave the area with an offer of safe passage. But the militant commander was of the view that Tehrik Taliban high command had ordered their Tashkeel (stay) in the area and they would leave after holding a peace march and visiting the families of six killed Taliban in Shalbandi.Sources told Dawn that Taliban militants had dispatched sixteen bodies and shifted thirteen wounded colleagues to Swat via Kalil Kandow early on Tuesday morning after the shootout. However, militants and their local supporters were tightlipped about the casualties on their side. Following the battle, the Taliban took possession of the bodies of two Lashkar men and three police constables and even opened fire on Lashkar men when they tried to rescue the bodies early on Tuesday morning. Malakand commissioner Mohammad Javed Khan, Taliban commander Mehmood Khan, TNSM vice chief Maulana Mohammad Alam, district chief Maulana Salar and others visited Dara Gokand on Tuesday. They held several rounds of talks with the Taliban commander Rizwan Bacha of Puechar Swat. The dialogue continued till Tuesday evening and the Taliban commander allowed the handover of the bodies of the Qaumi Lashkar men and police personnel to a third party. The bodies of the police personnel were dispatched to their hometowns after funeral prayers at Police Line Buner. Sources said the Taliban set on fire seven houses of an influential member of the Qaumi Lashkar in Barwazee area and a petrol pump in Barikot, Swat district, on Tuesday. Tense calm prevailed in Gokand valley and rest of the district as influential people who have affiliation with Qaumi Lashkar have shifted their families from Sultanwas village to safer places in fear of Taliban reprisal.Sources close to the Taliban said the militants were in no mood to leave the area. They have reportedly established their headquarters in Buner district and were bent on holding peace march in the district and to monitor the affairs in accordance with the Nizam-i –Adl Regulation. The reconciliatory committee has succeeded in cooling down the situation but both sides have taken positions and final showdown is expected any time as reinforcement and heavy weaponry have been shifted to Taliban from Swat on Monday night. The Taliban have claimed consolidated their position in whole of Dara Gokand, advanced to Kalabat in Batai Dara and near occupying Bagra post, a few kilometers from Pir Baba Bazaar. Sources said Taliban have now kept their eyes on the Sultanwas area and it would be next target of militants if it consolidated its position in the area.

THE PASHTUN TRIBES

2008-02-15T08:39:00.000-08:00

(COURTESY: www,khyber.org)

There is no reference to Jandakhels of the Khyber Agency in this enumeration---B.Raman
A
Ahmadzai
AbdaliLiving in Qandahar District of Afghanistan
AchakzaiA large tribe of Pashtuns; majority of them live in Quetta, Qilla Saifullah, Qilla Abdullah and Pishin Districts of Pakistan and in Qandahar District of Afghanistan
AfridiMajority of them live in Khyber and Orakzai agencies of Pakistan's Tribal areas bordering Afghanistan
AlakozaiAlako was the brother of Popal and Barak. (Popalzai and Barakzai). His offspring is known as Alakozai's. Their traditional home is the Arghandab Valley north of Qandahar
B
Bannuchis New
BetaniLiving in Lakki Marwat District and Waziristan Agencies of Pakistan
Bareq
Barakzai
BangashLiving in Kohat, Kurram and Orakzai Agencies
BaboriOriginating in the Suleiman Mountains between NWFP and Balochistan, the Babori (or Babar's) are widely dispersed
D
Dotani
Dawarh
Dalazak
Dolat Khel
Dolat Zai
G
Ghoria Khel
Ghilji/GhilzaiOne of the most famous tribes of Afghanistan. They are large and widespread and occupy the high plateaus north of Qandahar (Qalat-e-Ghilzai) and extend eastwards towards the Suleiman Mountains westwards towards the Gul Koh range, and north of the Kabul River
Ghurghasht
Gorbaz
H
Hotak
Hani
J
Jadoon
K
Kharoti
Kheshki
Kakar
Kasi
Khattak
Khogiani
Khalil
L
Lodhi
M
Malagori
Mandarh
MarwatSettled mostly in Lakki Marwat district. Large populations also live in Peshawar (Migrated), Dera Ismail Khan, Tank and Bannu District.
Matozi
Mangal
Mahsood
Mohmand
Muhammad Zai
N
Niazi New
O
Orakzai
P
Popalzai
Prhangi
Q
Qais Abdul Rashid BabaQais Baba is considered the father of all Pashtuns. It is said that Qais Baba was a companion of the Prophet PBUH and that he married the daughter of Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed RA. He also participated in many Ghazvats (Battles) and was very well known for his bravery. His tomb is in Zhob district of Balochistan.
R
Razarh
S
Sadozai
Shinwari
Shitak
SwatiThe biggest land ownin group of Mansehra and Battagram districts. In the times of Muhammad Ghauri, they came to Swat from Shalman in Afghanistan and defeated the Hindus to establish their rule in that valley.
Shilmani
T
Tarin
Turi
U
Urmarh
Utman KhelPredominantly live in Bajaur Agency and adjacent Swat districts.
W
Wazir
Wardak
Y
Yusufzai
Z
Zadran
Zamand
Zazi
Submit Your Very Own Family TreeClick Here to View Submitted Trees and to obtain More Instructions

THE KHYBER AGENCY

2008-02-15T08:11:00.000-08:00

(COURTESY: www.khyber.org )

Khyber Agency
Khyber Agency has an area of 991 square miles. The majority of the tribes in this agency are Afridis, of which there are eight major sections. However, there are important pockets of Mallagoris (Mohmand) Shilmanis, and Shinwaries. Shinwaries live on both sides of the Pakistan Afghan border but are predominantly in Afghanistan. The Afridis are famed as the tribe that control the Khyber Pass and also as the inhabitants of what is still one of the most inaccessible areas, Afridi Tirah. This strategic situation has enabled the Afridis to force every conqueror in history passing through the Khyber to come to terms with them. They have a formidable battle record for strategy and tenacity in the mountains. They once annihilated an entire Moghul army of Aurangzeb's.
Khyber is a Hebrew name of a fort. It was in the battle of Khyber near Madinia Munawwarah, where Hazrat Ali (RA) showed great chivalry and that is why, Khyber was founded in the present Khyber Pass by the Pathans, on settlement in 8th century A.D. Similarly, Ali Masjid was founded in the memory of Hazrat Ali (RA).
Khyber Pass has very rich history, Buddhism spread through this pass to Afghanistan and the stupas at Ali Masjid and Sphola bear witness to it. Many a battles were fought here by the Afghans against the invading armies. Amir Taimur built a prison in the pass, which is visible from Michi Post. Akbar the Great built a fortress at Kafirkot, near Charbagh. The Mughal Army of Aurangzeb was massacred near Landikotal in 1672 AD. The Sikhs built a strong fort at Jamrud where General Hari Singh Nalwa was killed in 1837.
The agency headquarters are in Peshawar in winter when the tribes migrate to the comparatively warmer Khajuri plains just beyond the Bara market town (5 miles from Peshawar). New water schemes on the Bara River are converting the semi arid and barren Khajuri Plains into valuable land for cultivation and habitation. Brick houses are appearing at a rapid rate. The summer headquarters are in Landi Kotal on the international border. Jamrud (deriving its name from the Iranian emperor Jamshed who ruled here some 2000 years ago) sits at the mouth of the Khyber Pass about ten miles from Peshawar. A Sikh fort that looks remarkably like a battleship still dominates the Jamrud area. The Kuki Khel Afridis live here. Shahgai fort, ten miles from Jamrud, with its squash courts and swimming pool, is one of the best maintained and striking on the frontier. Ali Masjid (Hazrat Ali, the son in law of the Holy Prophet is said to have prayed here) is the highest point and key to the pass.
The Khyber agency is the only afghan outpost to be annexed by the british. Its recorded history is long and colourful and begins with the arrival of the achaemenians, followed by the greek legions of Alexander the great, who were in turn succeeded by a series of invading hordes who thundered through on their way to the lush valley of Peshawar, tapering off with the british Indian expeditionary forces who marched in so bravely and stumbled out so disastrously. Numerous memorials were carved on the rock faces to the british Indian regiments who gradually wrested the pass from the Pathans and the afghans.
The Afghan border at Torkham is 56 kilometres (35 miles) from Peshawar, about an hour?s drive. The road runs west from the cantonment and through University Town, after which the fields on either side of the road are covered with refugee camps. After the camps are the compounds of Pakhtoon tribesmen, their high mud walls furnished with turrets and gun slits, their entrances guarded by huge corrugated-iron gates.
Places to See
Jamrud Fort
Jamrud Fort, 18 kilometres (11 miles) from Peshawar and at the mouth of the Khyber Pass, is as far as a visitor can go without a permit. To proceed further, foreigners require a permit. This permit is free of charge and can be obtained by applying at the Political Agent?s offices. Let alone foreigners, even Pakistanis have to apply for this permit if they need to visit. Jamrud Fort is visible from a distance like an old battleship. Looking ruggedly majestic with its jumble of towers and loop hole walls, the fort contains the grave of its builder, the famous Sikh General Hari Singh Nalwa, who died here in action against the forces of the Amir of Kabul in 1837 AD. The fort; coarsely constructed of stone daubed with mud plaster, was built by the Sikhs in 1823 on the site of an earlier fort. The modern stone arch spanning the road dates from 1964.
The Khyber Pass
The most famous pass of the world, the Khyber Pass, is 16 km from Peshawar. It has been, throughout history, the most important gateway to the plains of the South Asian sub-continent both for migration and invasion. Starting from the foot-hills of the Suleiman Range at the Jamrud; 11 miles from Peshawar, it extends beyond the border of Pakistan at Torkham, 36 miles away and it gradually rises to an elevation of 1,066 meters above sea level. The pass is 1 ? km at its widest and only 16 meters at its narrowest.
It is not the view but the idea of the place that attracts so many people to the Khyber. The Khyber isn't at the border of Afghanistan but it stretches through the Suleiman Hills for miles on both sides. In Peshawar, you're in Government administered land. The area behind the Smuggler's bazar gives way to the Khyber Agency, one of the seven agencies which make up the Tribal areas. Signboards appear by the roadside warning motorist snot to wander off the main highway because in these Tribal areas, Pakistani Law gives way to Tribal law a few metres off the main road. Hence visitors must be accompanied with an armed escort at all times.
The pass itself is about 25 miles long. The Tatara range dominates the entire pass and is clearly visible from Peshawar and its environs. The first political officer was Major Cavagnari, appointed in 1879 and the first Political Agent, Major G. Roos Keppell (1902).
The eastern end of the pass is wide and flat, bounded on either side by low, stony hills. Every small hillock in the area is capped with a picket manned by the Frontier Force. The road zigzags up, passing two viewpoints that look back into the Vale of Peshawar, until it reaches Shahgai Fort, which was built by the British in the 1920s. It then starts down into a small valley in which stand fortified Pashtun houses and the Ali Masjid. Perched high above this mosque on a commanding spur is the Ali Masjid Fort, which overlooks the entire length of the pass and guards the gorge that is its narrowest point. The road here hugs a narrow ledge beside the river bed in the shadow of high cliffs on either side. Until the way was widened, two laden camels could not squeeze past each other, and even now the road is one way. The return road and the railway follow separate ledges higher up on the opposite cliff, affording a less exciting view of the gorge. Throughout the way, little stone army forts & scattered concrete "Dragon's Teeth" act as a reminder of WWII fears by the British of a German tank invasion of the subcontinent.
You will rarely see any women apart from the nomadic tribeswomen, who are usually dressed in red or maroon. The black and grey tents of the nomads bnug the snad, while camels wander around grazing on the sparese vegetation. You will also see children, young shepehers and shepherdesses and their flocks of sheep and goats. Except for the nomads, all the men appear to be literally armed to the teeth.
Khyber Pass has been a silent witness to countless events in the history of mankind. As one drives though the Pas at a leisurely pace, imagination unfolds pages of history, the Aryans descending upon the fertile northern plains in 1,500 BC subjugating the indigenous Dravidian population and settling down to open a glorious chapter in the history of civilisation, the Persian hordes under Darius (6th century BC) crossing into the Punjab to annex yet another province to the Achaemenian Empire; the armies of Alexander the Great (326 BC) marching through the rugged Pass to fulfil the wishes of a young, ambitious conqueror; the terror of Ghanghis Khan unwrapping the majestic hills and turning back towards the trophies of ancient Persia; the white Huns bringing fire and destruction in their wake; the Scythians and the Parthians, the Mughals and the Afghans, conquerors all, crossing over to leave their impact and add more chapters to the diverse history of this sub-continent.
Ali Masjid
Near the narrowest point of the pass, about 15 Km from Jamrud is Ali Masjid and a large fort and a british cemetry. The valley walls bear insignia of British regiments that have served here. In the cemetery here are the graves of British soldiers killed in the Second Afghan War of 1879. This was the famous battle of Ali Masjid. Regimental insignia are carved and painted on to the rock faces at several places along the road, with the Gordon Highlanders, the South Wales Borderers, and the Royal Sussex, Cheshire and Dorset regiments standing in one doughty group. After the gorge, the pass opens out into a wide fertile valley dotted with Pashtun villages. True to form, however, these villages look more like forts, with high, crenellated mud walls running between watch-towers pierced with narrow gun slits.
The Ali Masjid Fort is located at the narrowest portion of the Khyber Pass, through which only a loaded mule or Camel could pass till as late as the mid nineteenth century. The fort was built by the British in 1890. The ruins of a Buddhist Stupa can also be seen in the area. There is also a mosque and a shrine in the memory of Hazrat Ali (RA), who visited this place according to a local tradition. There is also a huge boulder which carries the marks of a hand believed to be that of Hazrat Ali (RA). Even Khyber was named after the Khyber of Arabia, where Hazrat Ali (RA) accomplished a great deed of valour.
Shpola Stupa
Shpola Stupa, a Buddhist ruin dating from the second to the fifth centuries AD, stands to the right of the road and above the railway at the village of Zarai, 25 kilometres (16 miles) from Jamrud. The Stupa has a high hemispherical dome resting on a three-tiered square base. Some beautiful Gandharan sculptures were found here when the site was excavated at the beginning of this century. Some of the finds are now in the Peshawar Museum. The side of the Stupa lacing the road has been restored.
Landi Kotal
Landi Kotal, at the end of the railway line and eight kilometres (five miles) from the border, is a smugglers? town. It is 7 km away from Ali Masjid and is situated 1200 m above sea level. Electrical goods, cloth and drugs are the main commodities in the bazaar below the road to the left. However, with the growth of the Smuggler's Bazar near Peshawar, this area lost its status of contraband city. But it is still full of shops selling weapons along with electrical goods, etc at unbelievable low prices. The road forks here: right to the Khyber Rifles? headquarters, left to the border. A viewpoint beyond the town looks out across tank traps of closely packed cement pyramids to the border post at Torkham (Also known as the 'Dragon's Teeth'), the last oasis of green before the barren brown of the Afghan plain.
Michni Post
The last point "tourists" are allowed to go to is the Michni Checkpost where journalists and VIPs get briefed. Just beyond Michni Checkpost at a journey time of around half an hour is the Border at Torkham, which leads to Afghanistan.
Torkham Checkpost
The immigration and customs checkposts are at Torkham; the border town here, which has shops, hotels, cafes, restaurants, banks, bakeries and government offices, most of the buildings are low roofed and seem to huddle together as if for security. A barrier consisting of a waist high barbed wire fence with an opening is now part of the scenery in landti Kotal. There was also numerous signs including a welcome to Pakistan sign a warning to get to Peshawar by nightfall and a small lboard on the afghani side with a few propaganda posters plastered on it in urdu.
Kafir Kot
On a hilltop to the left of Torkham is the ruined Kafir Fort, a Hindu relic of the ninth century AD. On this ridge in 1919, the British and Afghans fought one of the last engagements of the Third Afghan War. The top of the hill is now Afghan territory, with a commanding view down on Pakistani installations and forts.
The Khyber Train
For rail enthusiasts, the Khyber Railway from Peshawar to Landi Kotal is a three-star attraction. The British built it in the l920s at the then enormous cost of more than two million pounds. It is said that when the British built the railway, the tribesmen used to travel free whereas others had to pay. It passes through 34 tunnels totaling five kilometres (three miles) and over 92 bridges and culverts. Total length of the track is 42 km. Two or three coaches are pulled and pushed by two oil fired engines. At one point, the track climbs 130 meters in little more than a kilometer (425 feet in 0.7 miles) by means of the heart stopping Chungai Spur. This is a W-shaped section of track with two cliff-hanging reversing stations, at which the train wheezes desperately before shuddering to a stop and hacking away from the brink. The Pakistan government has dubbed it as 'The Khyber Steam Safari Train'. Tourists in bundles apply for the ticket which is booked by appointment only. Groups of 20 to 45 passengers can book one bogey for an all day outing to Landi Kotal and back; a ride lasting ten to eleven hours.
The Khyber train currently runs only by appointment. Groups of 20 to 45 passengers can book one bogey for an all day outing to Landi Kotal and back, a ride lasting ten to eleven hours, for US $ 1,000. But you can easily see the train at rest at Peshawar Station.
Warsak Dam
The gignatic multi-purpose Warsak Dam is situated 30 kms north-west of Peshawar in the heart of tribal territory. It has a total generating capacity of 240,000 kw and will eventually serve to irrigate 110,000 acres of land.

WHO KIDNAPPED PAK AMBASSADOR TO KABUL?

2008-02-15T07:53:00.000-08:00

(FROM "DAWN" OF FEB.15,2008)

LANDI KOTAL, Feb 14: As search continued for Pakistan’s Ambassador to Afghanistan Tariq Azizuddin who went missing in Khyber Agency on Monday, the political administration launched a crackdown on the agency’s Jandakhel tribe.Officials, meanwhile, said the administration had found a clue that could lead to the recovery of the diplomat, his driver and a security guard.An official said 11 people of the tribe had been arrested and five vehicles impounded under the territorial responsibility clause of the Frontier Crimes Regulation. He said the men had gone missing in the area of the tribe.NWFP Governor Owais Ahmad Ghani told journalists in Peshawar that the scope of the search operation had been extended to the entire area and several teams had been constituted.He said there were speculations that the kidnappers might have shifted the ambassador to Orakzai Agency.Officials in Khyber Agency said the diplomat was possibly still their area although they had claimed that his vehicle was last seen in Orakzai Agency.“The Jandakhel tribe has been targeted because some of its elders disappeared after the abduction of Ambassador Azizuddin,” an official said. “This aroused suspicion about their possible involvement in the kidnapping.”Jandakhel tribesmen blocked the Peshawar-Torkham highway for about one hour in protest against the arrests.

S.WAZIRISTAN: THE BURNING PARADISE

2008-02-13T22:17:00.000-08:00

("FRONTIER POST" OF PESHAWAR---13-2-08)
Waziristan and world’s Romanticism
Said Muhammad Mahsud
It is, perhaps, too easy to romanticise Pakistan's tribal areas in general and Waziristan in particular, as the tribesmen live by an ancient code and their fierce defiance has secured famous victories against powerful enemies. The tribal areas are arid, dusty and cold. It is a rugged country and the mud-built houses, each one surrounded by high walls, are like forts. Nothing grows there and since they cannot farm, the tribesmen scratch a living from smuggling. They call it cross-border trade. Tribal culture still rests on principles that have been in place for centuries: revenge, honour, hospitality and a distinctly old-fashioned view of women. It is tempting to think that having preserved their way of life for so long, the tribesmen will resist change in the future. In truth, it is remarkable it has survived so long and as some of the more enlightened tribal leaders now accept, in a world of modern communication, their way of life is increasingly unsustainable. Many educated tribal men believe that drastic reforms are needed to bring the tribal areas up to par with the rest of the country. Recently, the government launched a new body, Fata Development Authority, for fast-track development. Meanwhile, human rights groups are pressing for changes to the judicial system. For the past 4 years or so, Waziristan has had the misfortune to be a very active frontline in America's war on terror. Under US pressure, the Pakistani government has deployed tens of thousands of soldiers and used aerial bombing to flush out a few hundred al-Qaeda suspects and foreign militants who found sanctuary there. After our president’s reassurance to U.S, that campaign looks set to continue for good. However, already the response has been ferocious. The local Taliban, fully supported by young Mahsuds and Waziris , have killed hundreds of Pakistani soldiers. The tribal elders in Waziristan can do little more than make forlorn appeals for negotiations. But the young Waziristani do not want to talk. Inspired by the local mullahs, they are vowing to fight. Songs now available in the markets in Waziristan spells out the danger of the army's decision to use force in there. "Waziristan has been broken into thousands of pieces," it says, "and each piece will raise the banner of Islam." The wheel has come full circle in South Waziristan. It has been a little over four and a half years since the launch of the military operation in areas dominated by the Mahsud tribe after the government had used similar tactics to force tribal militants to submit to state authority and expel foreign militants. Little wonder then that the military finds itself sucked into another operation in South Waziristan. The government has imposed a debilitating economic blockade on the Mahsud tribe and very little is coming out of the embattled zone in terms of information. It has caused the displacement of a large number of Mahsud tribesmen, including women and children, who had to walk on foot for miles to reach the relative safety of Tank and Dera Ismail Khan. They have left their homes unlocked just to get a safe refuge and while moving to safer place many have been imprisoned by the authorities and many have been facing serious problems. How these poor families live in different refugee camps, how many social or governmental organizations are helping them is a pathetic shameful story that will be discussed some other time. The battle for control in South Waziristan is critical. It is described as one of the most important frontlines in the fight against Islamic extremism, a new proxy war. It has implications both for the stability of President Musharraf's government and for the struggle for dominance in Afghanistan. Urged by the United States, which is increasingly alarmed by the situation, the Pakistani authorities are expanding their military forces there. But any gains on the ground will be hard won. Militants in the area are drawn from a cluster of local tribes and embedded in local communities. Waziristan was seen as a key place of refuge for many Taleban fighters, displaced from Afghanistan. There is still regular cross-border exchange of people, skills and weapons. So control of Waziristan is key to attempts to control Afghanistan. In the past, the Pakistan government cut deals with these tribal militants. But many now say that just gave the militants time to gain strength. The current military campaign though is proving very high risk. Pakistan's army is struggling with low morale. Many are dispirited by the loss of life - and the constant threat of ambush, kidnap and suicide attacks. Their disillusionment is dangerous for President Musharraf - who needs the army's support. A rising number of suicide attacks elsewhere in Pakistan - generally blamed on pro-Taleban militants - is also undermining public confidence in President Musharraf's handling of the crisis. It will be foolish if we consider Waziristan vulnerable. It has a rich history and has defeated every invader tried to invade. In 1842, a 17,000-strong British force was marching through the snow from Kabul to the Khyber Pass when the tribesmen struck. Legend has it that only one Briton, a doctor called William Brydon, got out alive. More recently, when the tribesmen fought in Afghanistan, they humbled the mighty Soviet Union for years, using little more than Kalashnikovs against helicopter gun ships. And they have also resisted interference from their own, Pakistani, government. Pakistani law applies only on the main roads in the tribal areas. Step off the road and your fate is decided by traditional tribal rules interpreted in a jirga, or meeting of tribal elders. If Pakistan army wants to take control of Waziristan (the burning paradise) it has to revise its strategy, the policy of force and war that will bring no fruit but ultimate destruction and trouble to the whole country. This war has never been a struggle for Pakistan or Islam but for some personal gains with some old notions. It is the time for both Mullahs and Military to maintain peace and stop terrorizing innocent people as they both are responsible for securing our geographical ideological borders otherwise we will go to dogs, having no name on the surface of this planet. Today every Pakistani is in catch-22 situation and has been pushed to a cul-de-sac. As Matthew Arnold says, “Swept with confused alarms of struggle and flight, Where ignorant armies clash by night.” almahsud@hotmail.com

THE PATHAN

2008-02-12T17:26:00.000-08:00

(COURTESY: KHYBER WATCH)

Politics

Wednesday, 14 March 2007

THE politics of the Pathan centre round gold and power, hunger and ambition, just like yours. As he has more blood in his veins and more bubbles in his head than you have, he is inclined to make them rather lively. Politics today do what religion did five hundred years ago. They are merely a system men have developed, whereby they pay for their stupidities by giving crafty wise men and earnest fools the power to rule them. For every man must rule or be ruled. There is no third way unless you are a poet or a lunatic.

Being direct and rather thick between the ears every Pathan imagines he is Alexander the Great and wants the world to admit it. The result is a constant struggle between cousin and cousin, brother and brother and quite often between father and son. This has proved his sole undoing through the ages. They have not succeeded in being a great nation because there is a Jinnah in every home, who would rather burn his own house than see his brother rule it.

A violent temperament, a domineering nature and abysmal ignorance are his only sources of inspiration. When he cannot be the Lord Mayor of Delhi, he develops a great contempt for Delhi and a great love for his two and a half acres,, where he can and does function as Lard Mayor as Lord Mayor, he loves his own freedom, but hates to give freedom to anyone else. A true democrat. He thinks he is as good as anyone and his father rolled into one and is stupid enough to try this sort of thing even with his wife. She pays for it in youth and he in old age.

He suffers from a pronounced lack of tact and a distinct excess of practical self-expression. He would rather shoot his way out of a problem than get a headache thinking about u. He has great ambition and no patience; that is why he usually dies rather young. He has a great heart and a thick head; that is why he makes a charming friend and a fine host. He has a proud head and an empty stomach; that is why he is a great dacoit.

When he has to choose between ransom and alms, he chooses ransom because he is a man and not a worm. He looks at the torn clothes of his beautiful young wife and the hungry eyes of his child. He picks up his rifle and grits his teeth and goes into the jaws of death to procure a yard of cloth for the one and a mouthful of food for the other. When a social system fails to provide for his dear ones, he tramples it down under his grass sandals.

When a political arrangement decides to starve him and overfeed another he shoots holes into it.That is a quality in him which I admire He would rather steal than beg. So would I. He would rather face the anger of God and man than the shame and disgrace of poverty. He would rather look into the frightened eyes of a kidnapped merchant than the sad accusing eyes of his ill fed wife and the hungry, hopeful glance of his wretched children.

I would rather see a man hang for dacoity than see him crawl along a pavement with outstretched palms, asking for alms from those who have found generous buyers for their souls. The Pathan loves to steal because he hates to beg. That is why I love him, in spite of his thick head and vain heart. He would rather break his head than sell it with that genteel submission so common in civilised man.

These hundred years the British have bribed and corrupted him. They bought up his priests and Khans and Faqirs. They purchased the tin-gods he worshipped, paid him with Indian gold in the service of English folly and asked him to put out his eyes and his spirit. It worked in bits and for a while.

Just to give you an idea of the gentle Christian mind I would like to tell you a story of Tirah. Tirah is a land of strange stories and stranger customs. It is the house of the Afridis.The tribesmen have so many living moving and colourful facts to talk about that they do not have to draw on fiction to light up their humdrum darkness with artificial light. Here is a true story.

Tirah has a large, wide-awake and virile population of Muslim Sunnis and a small, intelligent and clever minority of Muslim Shias. Both the sects are pure Afridis by stock and blood. They lie between India and Afghanistan and pay for it. When Amanullah Khan perked up a bit, and behaved like the Pathan he was, heedless, go-ahead and careless, the white Sahibs objected. And while Amanullah Khan and his Queen danced in the capitals of Europe, jealousy and ambition and hunger and ignorance were marshalled together into a battalion of destruction by Christian gold in the capital of Afghanistan.The Shias of Tirah were more intelligent than their neighbours. Amanullah was broadminded and tolerant of the various sects in Islam. The Shias of Tirah loved him and supported him. they were willing and ready to thrust from the sout-west and defend the young monarch. But lo and behold, simultaneously with the resentment of the priests in Afghanistan, there appeared eloquent priests not mong the Shias but the Sunnis of Tirah.And while in Afghanistan the learned beards and heavy turbans shook in pious rage to denounce the Christian ways and un-Pathan and un-Islamic ethics of the young king, in Tirah they shook to denounce the Shias, the murderers of Usman, the beloved son-in-law of the Prophet.

Most of these lovers of Usman were from the settled districts, the area under British rule. Heaven and houris were promised to those who killed the Shias. the AFridis listened. The gold offered and the houris promised proved too much for them. they picked up their rifles and went in search of Heaven.Then followed a most frightful destruction not only of the Shias but of their cattle and trees as well. Valleys where the Shias lived were laid desolate - millions of fruit trees, hundreds of years old Chinar plantations were sawn down. the Shias were too broken and distracted to come to Amanullahs help.They paid for their wisdom with blood and tears, and Amanullah paid for his with crown and kingdom. For daring to assert his freedom, he lost his only kingdom and the Afghans their only king. And for daring to help an ideal, the Shias lost their children and orchards.

A masterpiece of cold, efficient planning and brilliant, ruthless execution. I would leave you to decide who profited by this bloodshed and horror darkness and hatred. This is only one of the thousands of such stories of the Tribal Territory. Every word of it is true. some sunnis may not know who drove them, but the Shias know who struck them. Some Pathans may not have been able to save Amanullah, but they know why they could not save him.

The sole role of the political department of the Government of India under the British was to try to teach the hawks of Khyber the wretched ways of the crow and the vulture. It seduced the lowest and the greediest of the tribe and gave them importance and bought influence for them. A tool must be important and influential. All influence in the tribes belonged to the Khan and the Priest - one is the lord of this world, the other claims the lordship of the next.

The Political Service supplied the tribes with divine-looking priests, who put on the uniform of Allah's servants to serve the devil. They perverted the tribesmen's intense devotion to God into an intense hatred of his brother, they used his childish faith and honesty in the service of deceit and corruption.

The British succeeded beautifully. The Pathans were too busy cutting one another's throat to think of anything else. There was blood and darkness everywhere. The Empire was safe and the Pathan damned.

But then something happened, to know what that something was, we must leave the tribesmen and their hills and come down into the rich valleys of the so called Settled Area, the North West Frontier Province for it was in a little village in the prosperous Peshawar valley that the first Khudai Khidmatgar was born.He was the fifth child of a tall, beautiful, blue-eyed woman and an honest and sturdy blue-blooded old Khan.His father, Behram Khan, had no feuds - a unique distinction for a Khan, because he had forgiven all his enemies. Behram Khan never told a lie, he did not know how to. He liked the British who ruled him though he could never remember their names. He loved horses but was a poor rider. He was optimistic to a fault and consequently possessed a fine sense of humour. He was painfully honest; therefore the people loved him.

Behram Khan lived and farmed and laughed and cursed merrily up to a ripe old age; his two daughters were well married. His eldest son was a Captain in the British Army. He had enrolled from his college in London and fought bravely all through the war.

His younger son had refused a First World War commission and taken to farming and religion. Behram Khan did not understand this sort of thing, but then he had given up trying to understand his younger son. Being the youngest child he was his mother's pet. The boy was kind and clean and six-foot-three. He loved his old father and always gave strange, noble reasons for doing things. The old Khan forgave him everything, even refusing a commission in the Army. Besides, his beautiful old mother supported the boy. She seemed to understand him better than he. She understood everything the child did. And if she said it was all right it must be so. So Behram Khan gave him a village to manage, married him to the girl he wanted to marry and hoped he would give up his strange notions and settle down.

The young man adored his wife a whimsical, lovable, generous creature, well bred and from a fine old family. But still he wandered. He worshipped his children, two sons, but very often when he sat by the fire he would stop cuddling them and a far-away look would come into his eyes. His lovely wife knew these moods and hated them. For every woman likes to possess all of a man. She realised that there was something in this strong, handsome husband of hers that made him forget her beautiful eyes and the twitters of her children by the fireside.She did not live long to see those long silences and dark moods turn into strength and action. She died before she was twenty-five. They covered her with flowers and took her to the burial ground in her wedding robe. She left behind two baby boys with a bewildered, terrified look in their eyes. They sensed the horror of death though they did not understand or know what it meant.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan's restlessness increased. The European war had brought to India a hypocritical promise of advance at its beginning and an influenza epidemic in the end. He left his children in the tender care of his old mother and drowned his sorrow in work and service.He had found his profession in life. He had found a new love - his people. Pathans must be united, educated, reformed and organised. He started to talk to them, to draw their attention to the misery and darkness of their lives. He tried to make the Pathans think. He succeeded rather too well for his own neck.

In the beginning, the simple Khans of Hashtnagar collected in a big mosque and said he was their king - "Badshah." The local representative of his Britannic Majesty lost their sense of humour (that wonderful English sense of humour that you always see in Punch but seldom in an Englishman's eyes). The Assistant Commissioner arrived with soldiers and artillery, surrounded the village, disarmed the inhabitants and fined them sixty five thousand rupees. He gave them a lecture in broken and ridiculous Pushto on the British might and carried away sixty respectable old Khans as hostages until the fine was paid.

This crowd included Behram Khan who was then about seventy-five years old and had been a confirmed and loyal friend of the British. The others too were as innocent of any serious rebellion as he was. But they all hated the insult. They resented their helplessness. They felt the bonds of slavery for the first time.

Being Pathans they did not try to clear the misunderstanding; anyway they were too angry to do anything except curse. They just grit their teeth, and told the Englishman. "All right, if you think we are rebels, well then we are. You can do your worst and to hell with you".

Abdul Ghaffar Khan narrowly escaped the gallows. This incident gave him his pet name "Badshah Khan" which means the "King Khan" - the name by which the Pathans have since known him. Far from frightening him it made him braver. It gave him a sympathetic following and a greatEven old Behram Khan began to curse the English and liked his son for getting on their nerves.

The Badshah Khan opened a school. He made an association called "Pathan Reformer." Its aims and objects were purely social. It was non-political and purely missionary. And yet he was arrested and sentenced to three years hard labour. When he pleaded with the rulers that education was no crime, that he was merely helping the Government, the reply given was, "Yes. But if you are allowed to organise the Pathans for social reform, what is the guarantee that this organisation will not be used against the Government and its interest?" "You must trust me," said Badshah Khan. "No," said the high and mighty. "You must apologise and give a security that you won't do it again and you will be set free." "Give a security that I will cease to love and serve my people?" asked Badshah Khan aghast, for he had read in a mission school and had many illusions about Christian justice and charity."This is not service. It is rebellion, " said the high and mighty, more to ease his conscience than to instruct Badshah Khan.

This magic sentence condemned Badshah Khan to three years of torture and entitled the high and mighty to a higher grade of pay and a title next year. In the meanwhile the school flourished and the society remained organised and active, the three long years finished, Badshah Khan came out of jail, frail and worn out. But his spirit was like steel. His Blue eyes were proud of their suffering and determined and cold. He put his arms around his motherless sons and caressed with trembling fingers, their warm, excited cheeks.

Behram Khan was in great good humour. He poured out tea for thousands of visitors and said little complimentary things about Englishmen and their grandmothers. Pathans by the thousand rushed to Badshah Khan to welcome him home. Boys looked at him with admiration, girls sang songs about him.

The Pathans had found their greatest outlaw. The nation of fighters had discovered their leader, thanks to the British. The British master was furious. How dare these damned Pathans worship that rebel! They must be taught a lesson soon, but before that this stupid big man must be removed at once.

Badshah Khan was always an easy person to arrest and sentence because he was too big and too brave to use subterfuge and camouflage. He did everything in the open and dared the British and the devil to do what they could about it. They shut him up in a prison again and hoped he would know which side this bread was buttered. He suffered the tortures of damned-solitary confinement, heavy chains on his hands and feet, dirt and filth and lice and hunger, and most of all insults and kicks, jeers and sneers from the lowest and the most loathsome of British lackeys.

He ground his forty pounds of corn daily with the handmill and never complained. He was a model prisoner always. He never complained of the worms in his vegetables. He treated his captors with an aloof contempt that almost resembled respect. He was kind in spite of his strength and gentle even with his enemies. He forgave everything to everyone, and possessed unlimited patience. He always covered his sorrow with a smile and his pain with a joke.

When he came out this time he started his first political agitation, a demand for full reforms for the Frontier. Ninety-eight per cent of the Pathans are illiterate, a written piece of paper says nothing to him. So Badshah Khan went from village to village talking to them. His companions found that their white clothes got easily dirty. So they decided to colour them. One of them took his to the local tannery and dipped them in the solution of pine bark prepared for the skins. The result was a dark browny red. The rest did the same.

When next the group went out, the unusual colour attracted the eye at once. People left their ploughs in the fields and came to have a look at the red-clad men. They came, saw and were conquered. Badshah Khan adopted the colour for his new workers, whom he called Khudai Khidmatgars. Their aim was freedom: their motto service.

I have given you a rather long sketch of Badshah Khan because he really is the politics of the Pathan. He understands the Pathan and the Pathan understand him. And you cannot understand either unless you are a Pathan. Badshah Khan is an old man now. He has a silvery white beard and long beautiful hands. When you see him next look into his kind blue eyes and you will know more about Pathan politics then I could tell you in a thousand chapters. For the holiest and the finest in a man is as inexpressible as stardust and moonlight. Love and kindness cannot be imprisoned in letters any more than in an English prison.

Badshah Khan has discovered by practical experience that love can create more in a second than the atom bombs can destroy in a century, that the kindest strength is the greatest strength, that the only way to be brave is to be right that a clean dream is dearer than life and the soft eyes of your children. These are the things he has taught the Pathan.

CONCLUSION

I HAVE come to the end of my story. I hope you enjoyed hearing it as much as I enjoyed telling it. Reading is the civilised form of listening, and writing a complicated way of talking.I have tried to tell you of my people. Not from a cold, unbiased, unprejudiced point of view, because I am not a stone, which is the only thing that may be described truthfully as unbiased.Thought is an expression of prejudice. Inspiration is above prejudice and therefore above thought. Prejudice and bias is mother's milk to man. The sooner you admit it the better.

When I see a judge of the High Court, with his serious face and his noble wig, dispensing "unbiased justice," I always want to laugh. No. I won't do that. I am a Pathan and must be honest, so I will frankly admit that I am prejudiced in favour of my people. Indeed I would hate myself if I were not.I have given you my picture of them. How could I give any other ' I love them in spite of their murders and cruelty, ignorance and hunger. Because he kills for a principle and cares not who calls it murder. He is a great democrat. "The Pathan." he says, "are rain-sown wheat - they all came up on the same day - they are all the same".

In our Red Shirt movement when we put the pips of a general on the shoulder of a Pathan butcher or weaver he grins, he does not blush. However dirty and coarse his hand he will stretch it to a king for a hand-shake. However meagre his meal he will invite an emperor to share it. "Look at the warmth in my eyes," he tells his guest, "and not the hardness of the corn bread before you.But the chief reason why I love him is because he will wash his face and oil his beard and perfume his locks and nut on his best pair of clothes when he goes out to fight and die. The dear child wants the houris to like him. He thinks God will dislike a dirty face as much as he does himself; so he washes it. He says AllahIs good and sweet To him who laughs And sings and dies. He says the cowards Weep and work, But fighters go To Paradise.I am definitely prejudiced in his favour. I hope by now you too are prejudiced.

SWAT: FROM TOURISM TO TERRORISM

2008-02-12T17:12:00.000-08:00

(COURTESY: KHYBER WATCH)

Swat:From Tourism to Terrorism

Wednesday, 06 February 2008
Shaheen Bunairee

Maulana Fazlullah[Swat] Swat, peaceful beauty, land of color, roses and gushing rivers, rich in history, home to myriads of Buddhist stupas, idyllic spot for glorious Pashtun traditions of love, peace, and hospitality, until recently. Once a paradise on earth — now all is lost. "There was a time when women and girls from the valley traveled from Mingora town all the way by foot over the high and legendary Mountains of Elum to the mausoleum of the famous saint Pir Baba in downtown Buner, there to offer prayers for finding a sweetheart or to sing sad songs telling of separation. We were poor but happy then. God only knows who cast an evil eye on our land and turned it into hell", said Shaukat Sharar, a local intellectual from Mingora town, capital of the scenic Swat district in northern Pakistan, a mist clouding his eyes with nostalgia.

TNSM-the First Pro-Taliban Movement:

Swat Valley, which fell to pro-Taliban fighters in July 2007, and became a valley of death and destruction, was the most beautiful and scenic valley in southern Asia. The people were liberal in attitude and way of life. They had culture, traditions, and above all—hope.

It seems like yesterday that the people of Swat worked in their orchards and rice fields, reaping enough corn and money to live with honor and dignity. There was a street called Music Street, where beautiful Swati girls once danced to the tune of artistically rich Pashto music for the greater delight of visitors. Even the former Wali (ruler) of Swat State married a famous dancer to bless her community with respect for the richly traditional Pashtun society.

Then in 1992 Maulana Sufi Muhammad, an extremist cleric, launched the "Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi Movement" (TNSM or Movement for the Enforcement of the Islamic Legal System) in Malakand region. His followers occupied government buildings and schools as a means of pressuring the government to accepting their demands. His supporters blocked the main Peshawar-Mingora highway and killed a member of the provincial assembly and scores of people in adjoining districts.

In 1994, Benazir Bhutto’s government curbed the movement, but to appease the people, introduced the "Nizam-e-Adal Regulation" (an Islamic judicial system) in Malakand. However, TNSM leaders suspected the government’s decision and persisted in their struggle to introduce "a true Islamic order" into the region.

On September 6, 1998, the TNSM threatened to attack American property and abduct American citizens in Pakistan unless the United States apologized to the Muslim world for the August 1998 missile strikes on Afghanistan. "When the U.S. attacked the Taliban government in neighboring Afghanistan in 2001 the hardline clerics in the TNSM leadership started recruiting people for jihad against the infidels (the U.S. and its allies) on Afghan soil. Some 10,000 people with old-fashioned guns in their hands were taken to the border to fight the high-tech war planes of the United States", recalled Shah Dauran, a local resident.

Qazi Ihsanullah, a TNSM spokesperson, said in Bajaur on October 27, 2001: "We will resist if the authorities try to stop us. The jihad (holy war) will start here…Initially Mullah Omar advised us to wait and come to Afghanistan only when necessary, but we have told them that we will stay in Afghanistan as a reserve force."

Muhammad Iqbal, a 40-year old leader of the movement, said that when Maulana Sufi Muhammad gave the call, supporters collected 60 truck-loads of food and clothes and 1.7 million rupees to give to senior Taliban commanders in Qandahar, Afghanistan. But Sufi Muhammad's fighters were untrained and ignorant in the ways of modern warfare and most of them were killed or arrested by the Northern Alliance forces. With some other TNSM leaders, Maulana Sufi Muhammad was arrested by Pakistan security forces in January 15, 2002 and sent to jail.

After seven years in prison he was released recently by the government and admitted to hospital in Peshawar for treatment of diabetes. President Pervez Musharraf’s government has also banned the movement, which it defines as a terrorist organization. Though TNSM has been dormant for the past seven years, its leadership formed another armed movement under the leadership of Maulana Fazlullah, Maulana Sufi Muhammad’s son-in-law, who is a strong opponent of western socio-political ideals.

From Tourism to Terrorism:

Following the arrest of his spiritual leader and father-in-law, Maulana Fazlullah, 31, gave the movement new impetus in a novel and effective manner. He launched a network of illegal FM radio channels throughout the Swat Valley and began broadcasting fiery speeches denouncing education for girls, prophylactic anti-polio drops, music shops, and the pro-American policies of President Pervez Musharraf.

In a June 2007 interview, the firebrand cleric told me that following his advice people had burnt TV sets, VCRs and computers worth a million rupees. “This was the first blow to the region’s liberal values and the first step towards obscurantism", Khurhsid Khan, coordinator of a local NGO said. The radio broadcasts gradually spread to a radius of 40 kilometers and thousands of people used to listen to it with great veneration after their night prayers.

Harnessing the air waves like this brought change. Parents stopped sending their girls to school. The illiterate women of the region, who saw Maulana Fazlullah as a true leader of Islam, donated their gold jewelry to build Imam Dheri a religious seminary on the bank of the River Swat. The use of anti-polio vaccine for children was also accused of being “un-Islamic” by Maulana Fazlullah.

In October 2006, Pakistan's air strike on a religious seminary in Bajaur Tribal agency, which the locals believed was carried out by U.S. forces, killed 82 people including its administrator Maulvi Liaqat Ali. Laiqat Ali was very close to Maulana Fazlullah whom he called his brother. After the incident, Maulana Fazlullah very openly embarked on a campaign arousing the people to join him fight the invading U.S. forces. "We will teach them a lesson. We will avenge them for killing our brothers and sisters in Afghanistan and Bajaur Agency", he said in one of his broadcasts straight after the incident.

In July 2007, when the Pakistan government launched Operation Silence against the Hafsa Seminary in the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, Maulana Fazlullah seized it as an opportunity to strengthen his support base and called on the people to take arms and fight the U.S. and its allies. Explosive detonations in girls’ schools, shops selling CDs, and suicide attacks on police and security forces became the order of the day.

Maulana Fazlullah’s "Shaheen Force", commanded by Siraj-ud-Din and supported by foreign fighters, took over schools, hospitals, and government offices in the upper Swat valley. The Pakistani flag was replaced by the black and white flag of the movement. The caretaker government at the time dispatched 25,000 regular army forces to confront Maulana Fazlullah fighters in Swat. Pakistan’s central government officials said that prior to this the ruling six-party religious alliance of North West Frontier Province had opposed military action, but was now determined to fight until the valley was cleared of militancy.

Paradise Lost

This is believed to be the first time Maulana Fazlullah's picture has been published. In the clash that followed the security forces suffered massive casualties and more than 13 Pakistani security personnel were beheaded by armed men in the Matta and Charbagh areas of the district. Of the valley’s 1.5 million population some 400,000 were displaced by the fighting. Tellingly, in Jehandabad, the fighters blew up a 700 year-old statue of Buddha, symbol of peace and humanity.

Zahid Khan, president of the Swat Hotels Association said that 1200 hotels had closed down in the area with owners suffering losses of 4 billion rupees. The government claimed the area had been cleared of rebels and the infamous FM radio station of Maulana Fazlullah shut down. But, after a few days break, Maulana Fazlullah was back to broadcasting, and threatened security forces with dire consequences for killing his men and occupying the seminary he had built at a cost of 8 million rupees. "They say we are hiding. That is wrong. We are not hiding; this is just a war strategy. We will teach them a lesson as our brothers did to the forces of the USSR in Afghanistan", he announced boldly in his new radio broadcasts.

The past five months of fighting between Pakistani security forces and the extremists have rendered the whole area a virtual hell, where fear prevails and the locals have serious reservations about the military action. They say the government has proved itself unable to nip the evil in the bud, "First they allowed Maulana Fazlullah to recruit and train people. He was a minor leader then, but the government allowed him to become a monster. Now they are not able to rein in him", Sher Ali, a college professor in Mingora said.

Zia-ud-Din, Secretary of the Swat Private Schools Association said that thousands of students were not attending class due to the school closures. "They are frightened, lost, and utterly confused. Many of the children are suffering from psychological trauma", he reported.

Local people want to see something positive come out of the military operation, which has led to the deaths of many civilians and destroyed the local infrastructure. However, realities on the ground indicate that this lyrical, scenic valley, home to the Gandahara civilization is lost forever. The current wave of violence in other parts of the country is darkening the gloom still further.

Is the United States Planning to Attack Pakistan?

The spread of terrorism by pro-Taliban fighters from Waziristan to the Swat Valley has prompted the U.S. to attack Al-Qa'ida targets in Pakistan. In 2007, Frances Townsend, Homeland Security Adviser to President Bush, told CNN that if the United States had "actionable targets, anywhere in the world," including Pakistan, "we would pursue those targets." "There are no options that are off the table," she said.

Responding to U.S. officials’ concerns about Pakistan nuclear installations and the spread of militancy, Pakistan’s President Pervez Musharraf warned in an interview that any unilateral attacks by the United States against Al-Qa'ida and Taliban fighters in his country's tribal areas would be treated as an invasion.

Political analysts say that U.S. attacks on Al-Qa'ida targets in Pakistan would exacerbate the already volatile situation in the region and send current opponents of militancy into Al-Qa'ida’s arms. In Pakistan, the religious political party alliance, Mutahida Majlas-e-Amal (MMA), won a landslide victory in the last elections by exploiting anti-American sentiments in Balochistan and North West Frontier Province. Now it would act to strengthen militancy even further.

"Any such act would further inflame the situation. It would destabilize the whole region. Peace efforts in Afghanistan would be derailed if the U.S. attacks Pakistan", says Khadim Hussain Amir, a political analyst and professor at Bahria University in Islamabad. Khadim Hussain added that the United States has economic and strategic interests in the region and that the Pakistan military wishes to protect these interests. "President Bush says that Al-Qa'ida's war is against American freedom and democracy while Al-Qa'ida and Taliban say that the U.S. war on terrorism is actually a war against Islam. On the other hand, nationalist forces think the aim of the current war is the genocide of the Pashtun (ethnic Afghan) people. These are the ideological foundations of the present crisis. In my view this war is against the people and their resources just to promote capitalist interests. Militancy and militarism both end in the large scale sufferings of the already marginalized people", says Khadim.

In Khadim’s opinion, political parties, especially secular and progressive parties, can and must play a role to advance the peoples' agenda by creating the space for negotiation and dialogue among all stake holders — including the U.S.

MULLA OMAR HELPS ISI IN CAPTURING MANSOOR DADULLAH

2008-02-11T23:07:00.000-08:00

Taleban betrays commander to Pakistan over his MI6 contacts

By Jerome Starkey in Kabul;The Scotsman, Feb. 12, 2008

A SENIOR Taleban commander was wounded and captured in a three-hour shoot-out yesterday, amid claims he was betrayed by his masters for talking to British spies.Mansoor Dadullah was clinging to life after Pakistani commandos attacked his hideout in a remote tribal area close to the Afghan border.The insurgent was mastermind behind dozens of attacks on British troops in Afghanistan's lawless Helmand province.But he was allegedly sacked by the extremists' spiritual leader, Mullah Omar, for negotiating with MI6. He was also blamed for losing Musa Qala, a Taleban stronghold in Helmand, which fell to British and Afghan troops last year.

Pakistani officials admitted they received an intelligence tip-off ahead of the raid. The local police chief, Saud Gohar, said: "We had reports of his presence from intelligence sources. He was hiding in a house in the village."It is thought Mansoor may have been double-crossed as part of a deal between the hardline "neo" Taleban in Pakistan, and local security forces.It comes less than a fortnight after a senior al-Qaeda commander, Abu Laith al-Libi, was killed by an American rocket attack in Pakistan's northern Waziristan province.

Terrorism analysts believe Pakistan's intelligence service, the ISI, may have passed the United States details of Libi's whereabouts to relieve US pressure on Islamabad over insurgent activity.Pakistan denies international claims its border is a safe haven for religious extremists, who use it to launch attacks against Nato troops in neighbouring Afghanistan. But the operation against Mansoor came a day after Robert Gates, the US defence secretary, warned that sanctuaries in the tribal areas pose a direct threat to Islamabad.

A spokesman for Pakistan's army claimed Mansoor was seized as he sneaked across the border from Afghanistan. Major- General Athar Abbas said Mansoor refused to stop at a checkpoint. He said: "Security personnel returned fire. As a result, all of them sustained injuries and all of them were captured. Dadullah (Mansoor] was arrested alive, but he is critically wounded."

Mansoor was in charge of Taleban operations across southern Afghanistan. He took over from his brother, Mullah Dadullah, who was killed by British special forces in Helmand last year.Mansoor said in a phone interview in January that he remained a Taleban commander and had asked Mullah Omar, to dispel "rumours" of his dismissal.He also claimed that he had met with al-Qaeda's No. 2 leader, Ayman al-Zawahri, a few months ago. He said Taleban and al-Qaeda fighters in Helmand were fighting alongside each other and sharing tactics.

At least five other militants were also wounded and captured during the operation yesterday, security officials said.The arrests coincided with a rare announcement from Mullah Omar. In a statement, published in the Afghan Islamic Press, he said: "We want legitimate relations with countries of the world and we are not a threat to anyone."If foreign troops leave Afghanistan, that will be a victory for the people of Afghanistan."

WAZIRS & DAWARS OF NORTH WAZIRISTAN

2008-02-11T22:02:00.000-08:00

(FROM WATAN DOST http://watandost.blogspot.com/ )

Two issues forced the government’s hand in North Waziristan: first, the two main tribes, Wazir and Dawar, are involved in militancy against security forces; and two, the continued army operation and heavy bombing and shooting have shifted loyalties from the government to the militants. “All sub-tribes are involved in militancy against security forces,” former FATA security chief Brigadier (retd) Mehmood Shah told TFT in Peshawar.

The Wazir tribe lives mostly along the border while Dawars are spread from Miranshah to Bannu district. Compared to other Pashtun tribes, the Wazir have historically been able to evolve a system where internal feuds are dramatically reduced. Among most Pashtuns, a murder is to be avenged in such a way that the family or clan members of the murderer could be killed in revenge, setting off a longstanding feud among families. Among the Wazir, however, this does not apply and only the actual culprit is punished.

“With this one change in customs, the Wazir have been able to greatly decrease vendettas that once begun go on for generations. This custom has also ensured that the Wazir are more united as a tribe,” says a historian.

The Dawar are locally called “administered Wazir” because during the British Raj, they were known for striking deals with the colonisers; they have also been nicknamed “bazaari Qabils”, which means “untrustworthy tribesmen”. On the other hand, the Utmanzai Wazir were more rebellious and generally kept a distance from the British. Their areas, even then, were regarded as “no-go” zones. Dawar are also not known to have the same amount of “tribal integrity” that the Wazir are famous for.

But today, says a history teacher at a state-run college in Miranshah, jihadi sentiments are more dominant among the Dawar than the Wazir. “It is the Dawar who are more uncompromising,” he said.

The Madakhel sub-tribe of the Wazir, however, is also notorious for militancy both across the border and against Pakistani security forces. Its location on both sides of the Touchi River gives it strategic edge over other tribes and hence it is also able to facilitate militants in crossing over into Afghanistan, says one insider.

A government official told TFT the border could have been secured with the help of the Wazir “had General Safdar (Hussain) not pounded their areas before talks”. “This situation needed political handling. The government could have gone to the Wazir and asked for their help against militants but now the tribe is completely against us,” he said. “The Wazir are good negotiators and it is ironic that the government did not win them over,” he added.

Brigadier (retd) Mehmood Shah says another problem is that the tribal youth in North Waziristan is no more under the elders’ influence and are being completely indoctrinated by their Islamic teachers. “Even where elders of a particular tribe ask their youth to leave madrassas, they don’t listen anymore; tribal authority has, in this way, eroded and stands below the authority of religion and religious teachers,” Shah added.

This shows that the tribal structures, which the government was thinking of using to push back the Taliban, are now too weak in the face of new Islamic thinking. Under the circumstances, while the deal might have given some respite to government troops in the short-term, it is unlikely to play to Islamabad’s advantage in the long term.

WHY SECULAR PASHTUNS ARE TARGETED?

2008-02-11T20:00:00.000-08:00

(FROM THE "FRONTIER POST" OF FEB.12,2008)

US responsible for the situation in Pakistan

Irfan Khan Momand UK irfan188@hotmail.com

The recent suicide attack on Awami national Party rally in Charsadda was certainly a very shameful act. We condemned this suicide attack and everywhere we are against every kind of violence and hatred. We have seen and observed in several such suicide attacks that the coward groups are using innocent children for the suicide attacks. Such coward people have no religion, have no culture and have no respect for the humanity because Islam doesn’t say for the suicide attack. The attackers and their coward planners are certainly the enemy of our Pushtoon nation, they are the enemy of our Pushtoon culture, and they are the enemy of our pushtoon norms and Pushtoon non-violent politics which we learnt from our great leaders Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan Baba and Khan Abdul Wali Khan. The enemy of Pushtoon cannot bear our peaceful politics and they are targeting our leaders, our elders and children in their own homes. We have already known our enemy and they are the coward establishment which is not only the enemy of Pushtoon but also the enemy of every democratic nation living in Pakistan because they cannot accept the democracy in this region. The present cartoon government is certainly fully responsible for the recent bomb attack in charsadda because the government agencies know the so-called jihadis organisation in Punjab and in Kashmir and the agencies have already their full biodata of every person belong to those organisations but the so-called administrators sitting in Islamabad have no interest of peace, stability and democracy in Pakistan. They are just enjoying their posh life in their villas and they earn money by blackmailing the whole Pakistani nation. This corrupt mafia know that if there start the process of peace and democracy in Pakistan then there will be no chance for their corruption, and for this purpose they had harboured several kinds of criminal groups and stationed them in Pakistan especially in our Pushtoon region which are Arabs, Chechens and Kashmiri in the name of so-called Jihadi groups. They had been trained for these nefarious activities to blackmail the whole Pakistani people in every time. The sectarian violence in Peshawar, in Quetta and in Kurram agency and the destability in Karachi are the preplanned nefarious activities in which these organisations are used. They have been certainly given the task to postpone the election which is to be held in the coming days. Here I would like to mention also that the American agencies are also fully responsible for the destabilizing and the unrest of our region and our people. Pakistani people have no food to eat and the Americans are coming to help our corrupt cartoon government by providing them their sophisticated weapons. They are just introducing and purchasing their modern weapons in our Pushtoon region and nothing else. We will be compelled to say clearly that the American establishment also don’t want the real democracy in Pakistan because the American establishment have already a bad experience with the Democratic governments in India because there is always a real and pure democratic system in India and the American establishment have very difficulty from the Indian governments to fulfil their motives and therefore I can say that the American establishment don’t want to work with a real democratic government in Pakistan. And for this purpose the American policy makers had introduced the Washington’s sponsored Jihad in our region. They have always worked with the dictators and they have been supporting the dictatorship in Pakistan. I request to my Pakistani people especially our youth men and women that they should start working for the real democracy in Pakistan because the establishment don’t want to educate the people about the politics and about the establishment policies. Everybody should take part in politics that what is going on around us. We should have complete knowledge about our regional situation. There is no war for Islam. The harboured criminals groups are just using the name of Islam. If we take part in politics then we can win our democracy and our rights. No one can snatch Islam from us. Our uneducated people have been used for these religious sentiments for long time starting from general Zia.we have to fight against our poverty, we have to fight against our missiries, we have to fight for our rights as a respectable nation in the world. We have to throw those corrupt elements and foreign religious extremists in the Arabian see. We have no place for the American guests which is al-Qaeda. Here I will also request to the American people that they should have some know-how about their agencies and their establishment before they go to vote and to elect a new government in USA that what are they doing in Afghanistan and why even the Opium cultivation in Afghanistan is more then ever? If the American start servicing like other respectable nations members of NATO in Afghanistan then there will be certainly peace and stability otherwise the situation will be worst for our Pushtoon nation.

CONSPIRACY AGAINST PASHTUNS

2008-02-11T19:53:00.000-08:00

(EDITORIAL IN THE "FRONTIER POST" OF FEB.12,2008)

deeper conspiracy

The despicable Charsadda terrorist bombing of the ANP election rally snuffed out precious 27 lives, leaving scores of others gored. Heavens know how many women the evil deed left widowed, how many children it orphaned and how many extended families it deprived of their lone breadwinner, as did an earlier contemptible suicide bombing of ex-Interior Minister’s election gathering in the area, which felled at least 53 innocent people and wounded many more. Instantly, the thuggish act was denounced by all and sundry, as was the earlier one, as indeed the various terrorist assaults elsewhere in the country in these times, as vile attempts to sabotage the upcoming poll and to destabilise the polity. Surely, these are, unquestionably and doubtlessly. But there is more to the wickedness of the terrorists in this part of the country than meets the eye. It, arguably, is part a deeper conspiracy to divide up the Pakhtuns and set them at one another’s throat. Of course, the entire land is in the vile sweep of these evil savages. They have been assaulting now civilian and military targets alike, lethally and fatally wherever and whenever they want; and in one deadly attack they brutally killed PPP chairperson Benazir Bhutto and nearly three dozens of other innocents after her election rally in Rawalpindi. But the focal point of their thuggery is visibly the Pakhtun-dominated regions, especially in the NWFP where they have been not only slaughtering the innocent Pakhtuns with suicide assaults and remote-controlled bomb blasts but also blowing up their homes, schools, businesses and shops. Irrefutably, their sources of abetment, funding and arms lie outside the country, forming part of a grand conspiracy against the Pakhtuns, which is no lesser reflective from the painful reality that even as they themselves are the worst victims of terrorism they are being painted worldwide as terrorists. But the regret is that when the configuration of this conspiracy is so palpably evident there is no manifest realisation of it on the part of the Pakhtun leadership so as to put its act together to face up to this mischievous threat to their solidarity and cohesion . Instead, it remains embroiled in divisive squabbling and fracas. Political or miscellaneous differences come natural to a living community. A people sans diversity of views, thoughts and ideals are indeed a dud, stagnant and impotent community, which the Pakhtuns definitely are not. They are a people full of vigour, vitality and life. But a people with diversity but no unity among its ranks is a community on the way of decay, decadence and disintegration. This is the lesson of history, which the Pakhtun leadership across the spectrum should have imbibed zealously and voluminously but seems to have not at all. As the conspiracy to drive sharp wedges among the Pakhtuns and create unbridgeable schisms among them is blowing so furiously and so bloodily, this leadership shows up not even a slight sense of concern and unease. It keeps up with its own divisive ways puritanically. After the terrorist assault, the ANP has vowed not to deviate from Baacha Khan’s sublime principle of non-violence and to remain unflinchingly committed to peaceful struggle for attainment of its goals. This is good. Given the grave threat presently confronting the Pakhtuns to their solidarity and cohesion, this principle should now necessarily percolate down to all strands of Pakhtun political, intellectual and religious leadership. Had indeed this happened earlier, no outside powers would have dared to conspire against them and no natives would have ventured to become their agents. And the fanatics would have stood marginalised from their mainstream, not hogged the centre-stage as have they now, relegating even the religious leadership to coop up in safe havens for their own lives. If even now the Pakhtun leadership across the spectrum doesn’t create unity among its diversity, the community is surely in for more harrowing times. The unfolding conspiracy against the Pakhtuns is evidently very fierce, very ferocious and very vile; if this leadership doesn’t forestall it now, it will sweep the community, from one to all, to a destiny unknown but unmistakably grievous to all, without any exception. All must know this.

TARGETED KILLINGS IN SWAT

2008-02-10T18:35:00.000-08:00

Swat after the operation

By Khadim Hussain

(From the "Dawn" of Karachi of January 22,2008)

ON Jan 16, a military spokesman claimed that the Pakistan Army had restored peace to the Swat valley and would wrap up the operation within a few days. He further claimed that the armed militants had been successfully flushed out from the area, and that thenceforth peace would be maintained by the local residents and the police.But two days later, Swat’s local media reported that the operation was being reinforced and that it continued to be in full swing in the valley. House-to-house search operations were also taking place.

All this comes in the wake of a series of incidents of violence against some well-known personalities of Swat. Thus on Dec 27, 2007, Asfandyar Amirzeb, a former provincial minister and member of the royal family, was blown up in a bomb blast in Manglawar village near Mingora. He was a nephew of former governor NWFP Miangul Aurangzeb and also of former federal minister Gohar Ayub Khan.Another well-known person to be attacked was Mohammad Sher Khan, who had led a peace march with white flags soon after the military launched its operation in the valley. He narrowly escaped death. Bakhtmand Khan, known for his opposition to the activities of Maulvi Fazlullah, was also blown up.On Jan 13, Bakht Baidar, a popular political worker and a member of the ANP, was abducted from his house in Mamderhai reportedly by masked and armed Taliban and was later found murdered outside his village. The late Bakht Baidar was known for his progressive political work in the valley. His crime? He had been resisting Maulvi Fazlullah’s agenda from the outset. He was also known to have cooperated with security forces during their operation in the valley. The people of the village had alerted the local security post but to no avail.

When the government first launched a military operation in Swat almost three months ago, the people of the valley had high hopes that peace would soon be restored, and the valley would regain its position as a tourist attraction. It is a pity that a misleading impression is being created all over the country that peace has returned to the valley when the people there live in fear of suicide bombings and killings.

It is plain that the locals firmly believe that the armed militants who were the raison d’etre of the military operation are still at large. The core leadership of Fazlullah’s organisation is still intact and the well-known FM radio still disseminates sermons, threats and exhortations from militants. A number of civilians and security personnel were killed and wounded during the operation as a result of which the whole valley remains in the grip of fear and terror.

The armed militants have the capacity to successfully reach any target and accomplish their mission of terror. Both Asfandyar Amirzeb and Bakht Baidar were killed at a time when curfew had been clamped. A sub-valley of Kabal is still a no-go area for the local population and has been cut off from Mingora, the main hub of business. On the other hand, the security forces exhort the local people to maintain peace in their own villages.

Though the people have established peace committees in several villages, they seem to have lost hopes of seeing their valley as a cradle of peace once again.Most people feel confused and depressed. They seem to be unable to reconcile themselves to the reality of the destruction around them. Life seems to be paralysed for the people of the valley. Target killing is expected to become the norm. The ruthless manner in which the search operation is being conducted and the ensuing destruction of houses in the valley are creating a ripple of resentment among the people.

Shortage of flour and continuous load-shedding of gas and electricity have added fuel to the fire.The people face a severe socio-economic crisis as continuous violence has left most small and medium-sized businesses destroyed. Most of the 558 girls’ schools have either been pulled down or made non-functional. Hospitals, roads, bridges and houses have been destroyed. Though a package for the reconstruction of the valley has been announced by President Musharraf, the government has yet to draw up a proper plan.One can observe an increase in the rate of begging in different parts of the valley. Hotels alone have reported financial loss worth hundreds of millions of rupees. The people have serious doubts in the ability of the government to come to their rescue.Service delivery institutions in a large part of the valley are paralysed while the National Disaster Management Authority has banned international humanitarian relief organisations from working in the Swat valley. The people think that they are badly in need of instant relief. They wonder whether the NDMA will remove the ban on international humanitarian relief organisations so that they can help them cope with the disaster.

The general belief is that the fundamental issues which have caused and that will continue to cause resentment that feed militancy have still not been addressed. The issue of judicial reforms is considered to be the foremost. In the past, the people of the valley had the positive experience of a responsive judicial system and an efficient law and order machinery.While the constitutional status of Swat is yet to be defined, the people would like to have a simple and responsive justice system in place.

The development process that is at present based on the revenue record has to incorporate the sensibilities of the local population, if one of the major hurdles in the development process is to be removed. Socio-cultural institutions have to accommodate the marginalised and the emerging middle classes to prevent violence in future.Devolution and decentralisation of political and economic power in the governance structure have to be adopted as a policy by the federal and provincial governments to stop providing fodder for militancy and extremism. Institutionalisation of tourism, redefinition of the forest policy, management of the use of natural resources and power generation from the Swat River are other significant issues that the people consider essential to be resolved to mitigate the wave of extremism and militancy in the valley.

All fundamental issues could be translated into a holistic vision and could be presented to the 1.6 million people of the valley to bring lasting peace and prosperity to Swat. The people also expect the political parties, the media, civil society and the intelligentsia to come to their rescue to help them start living a peaceful and normal life once again.

The writer is a socio-political analyst based in Islamabad.khadim.2005@gmail.com

MEHSUD EX-SERVICEMEN RECALL THEIR ROLE IN KASHMIR

2008-02-10T18:12:00.000-08:00

Ex-servicemen demand peace in South Waziristan

(From "News" of Pakistan dated February 11,2008)

Monday, February 11, 2008

By Mohammad AnisISLAMABAD:

Retired civil and military officers belonging to the tribal areas have demanded of the government to find a peaceful solution to the trouble in South Waziristan."The people of the tribal areas are peace-loving people and they have rendered numerous sacrifices for the country," said Lt Gen (retd) Alam Jan Mehsud while addressing a news conference here on Sunday.Earlier, General Mehsud also presided over a meeting of the Tribal Welfare Society (Waziristan Chapter) that discussed the situation in the area and the plight of the people there.The meeting observed that the military operation in South Waziristan was resulting in the multiplication of Taliban there and therefore, a peaceful solution of the problem should be found. The meeting was also attended by the chairman of the society Khamar Khan Mehsud, Director General (retd) Foreign Office Ayaz Wazir, Director Technical Education Saifullah Burki and Qasim Mehsud.The meeting also demanded that the Pakistan Political Parties Act be applied to tribal areas also which could be helpful in resolving many issues.Talking to newsmen, Lt General (retd) Alam Jan Mehsud said that the people of Waziristan had played a leading role in the liberation of Azad Kashmir and they also defended the borders of the motherland during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.He said the sacrifices of these tribal people not only brought peace and security to the region but also ensured stability and sovereignty of Pakistan. He said a large number of people had been displaced during the operation in Waziristan and now they were in very poor condition and they were not even allowed to carry their belongings with them as all roads leading to area were closed.He demanded of the government to arrange dispatch of food items on emergency basis like tents, blankets and quilts to the displaced people in Waziristan.

TALIBANISATION & THE PASHTUNS

2008-01-29T23:28:00.000-08:00

TALIBANISATION AND PASHTUNS - MYTH AND REALITY

By Fatima Ahmed and Batoor Khanfatimakhan7699@gmail.com

(From Khyber Watch-- 5-9-2007)

In the backdrop of the Taleban resurgence in Afghanistan which has claimed more than 5000 lives so far and threatens to challenge the whole NATO/US mission in that country with obvious consequences for the world peace and security; there has been a renewed interest in the Taleban phenomena and the role of Pakistan therein worldwide.

The popular myth now a day being promoted by a number of players in the Pakistan-Afghanistan blame game is that the Taleban with roots in the Pashtun ethnic group, are in fact a manifestation of the ethnic and nationalist feelings and political aspirations of the Pashtun nation at large, living on both sides of the Durand Line. This is substantiated by a number of assertions by the Pakistani leadership in the recent past and media commentary. For example, while addressing the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament in Brussels in September last year, President Pervaiz Musharraf said that "the real danger...lies in the emergence and further strengthening of the Taliban, because they have the seeds of converting and drawing the population to them and converting this into a national war by the Pashtuns against maybe all foreign forces."

This shift in characterisation of the Taleban movement from a religious force to one representing the Pashtun nation may be taken as an attempt to give an entirely different outlook to the current insurgency in Afghanistan as well as the tribal areas of Pakistan.A peek at the events in the not so distant past will tell us that 'Religion' and the ‘Doctrine of Jihad’ and not 'Afghan or Pashtun Nationalism' was preferred to be used as slogan to fight and perpetuate the long drawn war against the ‘foreign forces’ of Soviet Union supporting the then Afghan government in the eighties and even afterwards during the brutal civil war of the nineties.

The question that arises is; what has changed in the equation now which suggests terming the current insurgency spearheaded by the Taleban against the Karzai led government and the NATO/US forces as a ‘national struggle of the Pashtuns’ against foreign forces. The answer to this question is simple: while internationally a lot has changed since 9/11, in Pakistan domestically nothing has changed. And this answer easily explains the current shift of language and the attempts to publicize the Talebans as representative of the Pashtun majority aspirations in Afghanistan and even in the tribal areas of Pakistan.

While the Afghan side spearheaded by President Karzai, himself a Pashtun, blames the upsurge in Taleban activities on continuous support by Pakistan and its intelligence agencies, the Pakistani side points to a number of issues inside Afghanistan which fuels the insurgency and sustain it. Chief among these, they argue is the inability of Karzai government to establish its writ beyond Kabul. Some amongst the intelligentsia have even termed President Karzai as the ‘Mayor of Kabul’ to scorn his lack of control over most of Afghanistan.

The failure of the Karzai government and the international community in sustaining the reconstruction process of the country, particularly in the Pashtun majority areas of the South and south- eastern Afghanistan is also quoted as the cause for the alienation of the local population and their increasing support for the Taleban. There are also muted pointers to the lack of proportionate representation of Pashtuns, who make up the majority ethnic group in Afghanistan, in the government institutions, decision making bodies and particularly the security forces.

Together all these factors seem to contribute to the ‘myth’ that Taleban’s struggle against the foreign forces is actually fuelled by Pashtun nationalism. Seen in conjunction with the current emphasis to include the Taleban in the political process in Afghanistan on the lines of the ‘peace deals’ signed by Pakistan with the militants in its own troubled tribal areas of Waziristan (FATA), this could mean a deliberate effort to empower the Taleban on both side of the Durand Line. Simply put, this strategy aims to drive home the point that the Taleban are not an aberration in the Afghan calculus but represent the political aspirations of the majority Pashtun ethnic group and have thus to be accommodated in any political dispensation in Afghanistan.

When analysed in the historical context, it is obvious that this strategy is the same in substance; only the form has been changed to suit the post 9/11 geo-political environment - in nutshell ‘old wine in new bottle’. During the Afghan War, for the USA and the west, the objective was simple: defeat of communism; however for Pakistan the question was much more fundamental and related to its own domestic problems.

Beside the defeat of Communism, there were three main objectives of the Afghan war strategy.

• Counterbalance the majority traditionally liberal and secular minded Pashtun nationalists with in Pakistan demanding greater share in resources and political rights in the backdrop of the 1971 debacle leading to the creation of Bangla-Desh and the bloody insurgency in Balochistan in 1974/75.

• Simultaneously, neutralize the nationalist elements in Afghanistan represented by the Soviet supported communist regime, which were likely to gain strength and thus exert more pressure on Pakistan with regard to the Pushtunistan issue if left untouched, leading to trouble in the Pashtun belt on Pakistan side.

• In the long term, use Islam to influence events in Afghanistan, which beside other benefits, will ensure that her western borders will be well protected. This was deemed vital to the survival and defence of Pakistan against the arch enemy India in the backdrop of the 1971 War and explosion by India of its first nuclear device in 1974. This notion was widely propagated and found expression in terminologies like ensuring ‘strategic depth’ and having a ‘friendly political dispensation’ in Afghanistan.

To pursue this strategy, General Zia-ul-Haq, the military dictator thus supported, funded and empowered the fringe religious 'clergy' in the Pashtun areas within Pakistan against the majority, largely liberal nationalists, while across the Durand Line in Afghanistan, it shaped the struggle against the Soviet supported Afghan government as ‘Afghan Islamic Jihad’.

This strategy ensured a degree of local support to the Afghan Resistance by the politico-religious groups on the one hand, while on the other it wrested the political power away from the traditionally liberal, secular and nationalist elements in the Pashtun dominated areas and empowered the politico- religious parties which have always been far more supportive of the establishment.

Another reason and a more fundamental one which explains why the Afghan Resistance was fought on the basis of religion and not Afghan or Pashtun nationalism was that the use of religion as a political instrument is central to the survival of the Pakistani state itself. In the absence of a vision based on collective well being of all its citizens, democratic traditions which ensure equal share for all segments of the multi-ethnic society, and a system which ensures centralisation and perpetuation of power in the hands of the elite to the detriment of all the various ethnic groups; the only glue that binds the country together is Islam. Recourse to religion is therefore critical to hold the reins of power in this country.

In the absence of such an alternative, the various nationalities which have been kept on the periphery of political and economic power for more than half a century are bound to question the legitimacy of the state and demand greater autonomy and political rights for themselves, thus threatening the status quo and the interests of the dominant elite.

Much has changed in the world in the aftermath of 9/11; however, unfortunately, little has altered in Pakistan’s domestic situation which would allow some space to bring a shift in this strategy. In Pakistan, the use of religion to control the domestic problems as well as retain/regain a degree of influence across the Durand Line remains a compulsion and not a matter of choice. In fact, projecting the Taleban as representing the political aspirations of the Pashtuns, while still retaining their religious leanings, is an attempt to reassure the international community of their legitimacy as a group having popular support of the Pashtuns.

At the same time it aims to dilute the negative effects of the stigma of religious extremism and fanaticism attached to Taleban in view of their links with Al-Qaeeda and the brutalities they committed while they were in power in Kabul. And as before, simultaneously it aims to strengthen the politico-religious elements in the North West Frontier Province, tribal areas and Balochistan to neutralise the nationalist elements which are again gaining popular support due to the media explosion and unhealthy economic policies of the past.

The situation is further made explosive by the senseless killing of their Pashtun brethren in the name of the war against terrorism on both sides of the Durand Line. It was in this context that a grand Pashtun Peace Jirga was held in Peshawar on 20 Nov last year, organised by the nationalist parties and attended by a large majority of the liberal/secular leadership of the Pashtun ethnic group. This Jirga or ‘meeting of elders’ unanimously demanded an end to the bloodshed in the Pashtun lands on both sides of the Durand Line in the name of religion and the war on terrorism.

This situation is further exasperated by the simmering nationalist/separatist movement across the Balochistan province.This new characterisation of Talebanisation as Pashtun nationalism and terming the Taleban led insurgency as a demand for political empowerment of the Pashtun ethnic group in Afghanistan must therefore be viewed with a pinch of salt.

The Taleban was never a nationalist movement nor did they enlist support from the Pakistani or Afghan Pashtuns in the name of their ethnic identity. They were a natural outcome of the decade’s old policy of support to the politico-religious right, then were nourished and aided according to a strategy. That strategy still remains the same - political manoeuvring by the powerful elite in Pakistan to use religion to divide the Pashtuns, denying their political rights and at the same time to regain and maintain some degree of influence in Afghanistan.

Obviously this can not be achieved by siding with and supporting the largely liberal, secular and democratic minded majority of the Pashtuns; for the fear that the elite will have to relinquish the powers they hold over all ethnic minorities and give them their political rights and control over their resources.

The powers that be would therefore continue drumming the spectre of Islamic extremism in Pashtuns and frightening the world on the one hand and continue supporting the fringe clergy on the other, to continue reaping the benefits that such a strategy entails. The tragedy is that the religious extremism symbolised by the Taleban has no roots in Pashtun society or culture which may be culturally conservative but is predominantly liberal, non-violent and democratic in nature. The ultimate losers in all this are the poor Pashtuns on both sides of the Durand Line.

LATE ABDULLAH MEHSUD

2008-01-29T23:14:00.000-08:00

The rebel who opted for death ( From Khyber Watch)

Saturday, 04 August 2007

Amir Mir
Mohammad Noor Alam alias Abdullah Mehsud, an ex-Guantanamo Bay inmate who became one of the most wanted jihadi commanders resisting the Pakistani security forces in the South Waziristan region, blew himself up with a hand grenade in the wee hours of July 24 after the Pakistani security forces closed in on his Zhob hideout in Balochistan and asked him to surrender.

The Islamic rebel’s death comes amid intensifying American pressure on General Musharraf to take military action against al Qaeda and Taliban safe havens in the tribal areas along the border with Afghanistan. Abdullah Mehsud, 32, was one of seven Guantanamo detainees publicly identified by the US Defence Department as having returned to the fight against the US-led Allied Forces following their release. With the death of the one-legged militant commander, tagged as one of the most wanted militants by the Pakistan government for masterminding the October 2004 abduction of two Chinese engineers, a powerful chapter in the ongoing pro-Taliban resistance movement in the tribal areas is effectively over.

Before being killed, Abdullah Mehsud had gradually filled the shoes of his late comrade, Commander Nek Mohammad Zalikhel, to become the new hero of the tribal youth, who view with contempt the American occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq and oppose the Pakistan government’s siding with the US in the war against terror.

Nek Mohammad, the jihadi mentor of Mehsud was killed in June 2005 in South Waziristan following a laser-guided missile attack carried out by the Afghanistan-based Allied Forces on a tip off by the Pakistani security and intelligence agencies. Shortly before being killed, Nek had claimed responsibility for the June 10, 2004 bloody ambush on a convoy of Corps Commander Karachi Lt. General Ahsan Saleem Hayat near the Clifton Bridge in Karachi that killed 12 people including several army men.

As far as the 32-year-old Abdullah Mehsud is concerned, he is believed to have earned General Musharraf’s ire for masterminding the abduction of two Chinese engineers, Wang Peng and Wang Ende, in October 2004. One of the engineers was killed in a commando operation carried out by the Special Services Group of the Pakistan Army on October 14 while the other one was rescued. As soon as the operation was over, General Musharraf had publicly declared that he would personally shoot Abdullah Mehsud dead if he ever came across him. However, the militant commander used to defend his action by arguing that the kidnapping was only meant to embarrass General Musharraf internationally and to force him to stop the military operations in South Waziristan.“I am not against the Chinese people and I do realize that China is Pakistan’s best friend. But desperate people do desperate things and that is why I ordered the kidnapping of the Chinese engineers. I felt this act would hurt the Musharraf regime the most,” Mehsud had argued in an interview in July 2004.

The abduction episode apart, Mehsud had generated as much controversy among the tribal people of South Waziristan as his predecessor, late Commander Nek Mohammad. Massive military operations forced him to leave his sanctuaries in South Waziristan and move to North Waziristan to take refuge in the isolated and rugged terrain of Shawal. Shortly before his death, Mehsud had proceeded to the Helmand province of Afghanistan and was on his way back to his native South Waziristan, before stopping over in Zhob prior to entering neighbouring South Waziristan, where he was spotted.

Abdullah Mehsud was born in the mid-1970s to a humble Slimikhel tribesman Saidullah in the Nano village of the Sarwakai Tehsil in South Waziristan Agency. Coming from a comparatively educated family, his real name was Noor Alam but he preferred being known as Abdullah. He belonged to the Mehsud tribe and some of his family members, including his brother Major Asghar Mehsud and brother-in-law Colonel Yaqoob Mehsud, had served in the Pakistan Army.

Abdullah completed his primary education from a government school in Nano and went on to Karachi while his father was posted there as a security officer with PIA. After completing high school from Karachi, Abdullah was admitted to the famous Jamia Binori religious seminary for some time – the same madrassa where some leading jihadi leaders like the Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Maulana Masood Azhar used to study.

A few years later, his father was transferred to Peshawar, where he completed his intermediate from Pakistan Air Force College. His family is known to have had links with the Jamaat-e-Islami from an early period and Mehsud himself was a member of its student wing, Islami Jamiat-i-Tuleba during his college years in Karachi. Since the Jamaat was an ally of Gulbadin Hekmatyar’s Hizb-e-Islami, it never had a cozy relationship with the Taliban militia. Still Mehsud crossed over from Quetta to Kandahar in 1995 as part of a volunteer contingent deployed to beef up Taliban ranks before the student militia’s famous assault on Herat.

In Afghanistan, Mehsud was recruited for jihad by a Kandahari commander of the Taliban, Mullah Agha Jan. Although he fought against the forces of Ahmed Shah Masood on several fronts including Kabul, Bagram and Kunduz, Mehsud remained in touch with Kandahar, which used to be the headquarters of the Taliban.

In September 1996, when the Taliban militia marched on Kabul with the backing of the Pakistani military and intelligence establishments, a landmine planted by the retreating forces of Afghan Defence Minister Ahmad Shah Masood blew up, costing Mehsud his right leg. He was brought to Pakistan and taken to a Karachi hospital for treatment, where he got an artificial leg. But his never-ending urge to fight once again took him to Afghanistan. So motivated was he that he never let his physical handicap come in the way of what he thought was the right course — to fight in the way of Allah.

Five years later, in December 2001, when Mehsud surrendered along with several thousand Taliban fighters to the forces of Uzbek warlord Abdul Rashid Dostum in Kunduz, he was still fighting for the Taliban. He was first lodged in the notorious Shiberghan prison in Jauzjan province of Afghanistan and later handed over to the US military authorities, to be shifted to Camp X-ray in Guantanamo Bay.

Once in prison, Mehsud identified himself as an Afghan national despite being a Pakistani, belonging to the Slimikhel branch of the Manzai sub-tribe of the Mehsuds. He was eventually released in March 2004 after spending 25 months at Guantanamo Bay.

In an October 2004 telephonic interview with Gulf News, Mehsud was quoted as saying that he carried the identity card of an Afghan citizen while fighting alongside the Taliban in Afghanistan. “This was the reason that I was flown to Kabul after my release from the Guantanamo Bay prison along with other Afghan prisoners in March 2004. I managed to keep my Pakistani identity hidden all these years,” he had stated.

Till his release in March 2004, Abdullah Mehsud wasn’t well known even in his native South Waziristan. But the stint in an American jail and his artificial leg soon made him a household name in the area. His long hair and daredevil nature made him a colourful and interesting character. Stories were told as to how he rides a camel or horse to visit his fighters in his mountainous abode.

A time came when Mehsud started making speeches in mosques and madrassas of South Waziristan, preaching jihad and exhorting the young people to fight against the US and its allies. In his Taliban-style turban and with his flowing locks of hair, he recruited hundreds of young tribesmen and motivated them for a do-or-die struggle against the Army’s incursion into the semi-autonomous and lawless region bordering Afghanistan. He soon became a hero to anti-US fighters active in both Afghanistan and Pakistan.

However, the 2004 imposition of economic sanctions against the Mehsud tribe by the military authorities infuriated the religiously motivated tribal youth, who reacted strongly by extending their all out support to the Mehsud against the Pakistani security forces in the area. The economic sanctions were actually meant to force the Mehsud tribe to hand over the wanted foreign nationals being sheltered by them. As a punishment, the Mehsud tribesmen were coerced into closing their shops in Tank and a fine of Rs 10,000 was imposed on those who defied the ban.

The tribesmen’s refusal to give up the fugitives led to a bloody military operation in South Waziristan, which culminated in the June 2004 killing of Commander Nek Mohammad.It was not until October 2004 that Abdullah Mehsud’s name shot to prominence and hit the international media headlines following the abduction of two Chinese engineers working at a multi-million dollar multi-purpose water project in the Gomal Zam area. A stubborn Mehsud owned up to the abduction, demanded the government spoke to him and refused to listen to his military officer brother, family and tribal elders. The kidnapping ended on a tragic note as one of the Chinese workers was killed and Mehsud was declared the most wanted militant.

The abduction fiasco apparently had not gone down well with the Pakistani Taliban. Much to his disappointment, Mehsud was demoted to the No 2 position to become deputy to Baitullah Mehsud, the chieftain of the Mehsud tribe in South Waziristan.Abdullah became largely isolated, both politically and physically, after most of the renegade Wazir tribes including the Mehsuds struck a deal with the Pakistan Army. While signing a peace accord with the Army, Baitullah Mehsud gave his word that his tribe would not protect Abdullah Mehsud. As a reaction, Mehsud severed all contacts with leaders of his own Mehsud tribe in South Waziristan, while preferring to keep ties with Taliban commanders in southern Afghanistan.

Pakistani intelligence, which kept a tab on his whereabouts, had traced Mehsud to Musa Qilla in Afghanistan’s Helmand province in May 2007, fighting the NATO and Afghan forces. Before leaving for Afghanistan, Mehsud was accused of operating a suicide bombing training camp in Dela near the South Waziristan Agency, besides being held responsible for the April 28, 2007 failed suicide bomb attack on Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao. After the futile attack, Mehsud left for Helmand where he developed a problem with his second leg and was on his way back home when security forces caught up with him in Zhob, making him explode himself.

The baby-faced commander gave frequent telephonic interviews to journalists in Waziristan area, repeatedly saying that he is leading his fighters by example, taking risks and surviving in tough conditions. He said he never wanted to take up arms against the Pakistan Army but had to wage jihad against the government of Musharraf, who he accused of siding with infidels by carrying out US policies in the region to protect its vested interests. “There is no going back for me and my colleagues. We would fight the US and its allies, including the Musharraf regime, until the very end.”

Asked about the military authorities’ demand for his surrender, Abdullah said: Surrender is out of the question. I will never surrender and prefer to embrace martyrdom while fighting till the last drop of my blood.”Mehsud kept his word and remained defiant till his death on July 24, and was laid to rest on July 25 at his home town in the militant-infested tribal district of South Waziristan.

“Commander Abdullah Mehsud died a hero’s death,” the prayer leader told the gathering of mourners who had assembled to offer his namaz-e-janaza. “He did not surrender to the forces working for the infidels and preferred to die in an honourable way, setting an example for all mujahedin to follow.” An emotionally charged crowd of jihadi mourners carrying assault rifles and rocket launchers raised slogans of “Allahu Akbar”, “Allahu Akbar” and “Al-jihad, “Al-jihad!” as their rebel militant commander’s coffin was lowered into the ground.

The writer is the former editor of Weekly Independent, currently affiliated with Gulf News and the Spanish News Agency EFE as its Pakistan in charge.

BAITULLAH MEHSUD---INTERVIEW

2008-01-29T23:05:00.000-08:00

BAITULLAH MEHSUD: INTERVIEW

(From Pakistan Policy Blog---22-1-08)

Ahmad Zaidan, al-Jazeera’s Islamabad bureau chief, interviewed Baitullah Mehsud in December. The video, provided above, was aired on the station a few days ago. It’s Mehsud’s first television interview.

The leader of Tehreek-e Taliban-e Pakistan (Taliban Movement of Pakistan) speaks in Pashto (translated by AJ into Arabic) while Zaidan presents the questions in Arabic.

Some key points are below.

On the Tehreek-e Taliban-e Pakistan

The alliance took so long to form because of several challenges, including the assistance needed by the Arabs and Uzbeks and the attempts of the Pakistani government to divide the population. The biggest losers of the Taliban alliance, says Mehsud, will be Washington, Britain, and the other countries of disbelief.
Relations with the original Taliban and al-Qaeda

He and his group members have given their bayah, or oath of allegiance, to Mullah Omar, the amir ul mumineen. Omar leads not only Afghanistan, but the entire Muslim world. The Muslims, even in America, are “our” brothers.
Skirts issue of relations with AQ, particularly bin Laden and Zawahiri. Simply says a Muslim is a brother of a Muslim. Does mention that Zarqawi was among Mehsud & Co. prior to heading to Iraq.

Goals

First priority is the conducting of a defensive jihad. He says the Pakistani army attacks their homes on the orders of George W. Bush. Would like Pakistani forces out b/c of their displayed ‘barbarism’.

Secondary goal is the application of Islamic law throughout Pakistan. The movement will not just be in the northwest, but spread throughout Pakistan into Punjab and Sindh.

The Pakistani Army

It plays the different tribes and regions off of one another. In area X it is in peace talks or has a truce in place, and then in area Y it is in a state of war. Then the roles change, and it is in combat against area X and talking peace with area Y. He calls this a “policy of deception.”

The Pakistani army’s war in the tribal areas is an American war. He quotes the Qur’anic prohibition on taking Jews and Christians (5:51) as one’s protectors several times.

Musharraf is a slave of Bush, the West, and the disbelievers. He’s declared a war against them and the Arab and Uzbek migrants, who have come to defend Islam and Pakistan, under American pressure. He submitted them to the Americans, killed women and children.

Nuclear Weapons

Islam doesn’t permit the killing of women and children, which nukes would inevitably do. Don’t have thoughts about the use of nuclear weapons. America killed innocents in Japan–Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The fear right now is the use of American bombs against the Muslims as they used against the Japanese. Says, we fear the American bombs, not the Pakistani bombs. At least the Pakistani bombs are controlled by Muslims.

Beyond Pakistan

“Yes, we send and will send our boys into Afghanistan for jihad.”
Denied links to India, Iran, etc. Says his successes are due to the grace of God. Skirts issue of funding source. Says their arsenal comes from booty taken from opponents.

SWAT & GET SWATTED

2008-01-29T22:59:00.000-08:00

SWAT & SOUTH WAZIRISTAN

Pakistan’s army continues to make gains in Swat, a settled, scenic valley in the North-West Frontier Province. According to Director General Military Operations Maj. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, Operation Rah-e Haq has been successfully completed.

The army, he says, established its hold over the area in late December,2007, killing or apprehending major militants associated with Maulana Fazlullah, who remains holed up in a mountainous area packed in by recent heavy snowfall. It is now making steps toward issuing a compensation and development package for the area and has replaced Fazlullah’s FM radio station with several of its own. The speed and effectiveness of the government’s resettlement of internally displaced people and restoring the civil administration and political parties remains significant. Half-hearted measures will only result in local discontent that Fazlullah or a subsequent variant can feed off of.

In a marked contrast to the government’s military success in Swat, it continues to struggle in South Waziristan. This week, two forts were taken over by insurgents, who had little trouble combating the undertrained and ill-equipped paramilitary Frontier Corps. Their Wednesday night attack on a fort, which they held and then withdrew from, was made by a group of 200-1,000 men, overwhelming the 40 FC troops stationed there.

This large scale attack by neo-Taliban affiliated with Baitullah Mehsud is the first of its kind as guerrilla tactics are normally used. If this marks a strategic shift for Mehsud, it is both an alarming development for Pakistan’s military as well as a potential source of opportunity. Its success in Swat was partially precipitated by the overstretching of Maulana Fazlullah’s forces, though Fazlullah’s group is vastly smaller and less sophisticated and armed than Mehsud’s. And so if Mehsud’s forces press toward Pakistani military installations in large numbers, they provide an opportunity to be eliminated in larger numbers of them in a short amount of time with an aerial assault. That is why Mehsud group did not hold on to the fort in Wednesday night’s attack.

U.S. Special Forces’ counterinsurgency training of Pakistan’s Frontier Corps accelerates this year, but there’s no indication that any substantive progress will be achieved before the spring. In the interim, Pakistan could benefit by goading Mehsud into adopting more conventional and exposing tactics.

Tea with the Taliban

As the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan sat and drank chai with former Taliban leader and now Musa Qala governor Abdul Salaam, the strategy of dividing and containing (or incorporating) the Taliban continues in Pakistan. The federal government is exploiting the traditional and on-going rivalries between the Ahmedzai Wazirs and the Mehsuds in Southern Waziristan. It could be imposing a blockade of sorts on the Mehsuds, to the advantage of the Ahmedzais. Curbing the flow of drugs and other illicit contrabands will weaken the Mehsuds, but it’s unclear as to whether the Pakistani military is effectively declaring war on the Mehsud tribe or whether it’s trying to make them see Baitullah Mehsud as a source of their problems.

(From Pakistan Policy Blog)

BAITULLAH MEHSUD---BIO

2008-01-29T22:46:00.000-08:00

New Taliban Chief Entering Limelight

By KATHY GANNON – 3 days ago (27-1-08)
PESHAWAR, Pakistan (AP) — Sometime in mid-December, as the winter winds howled across the snow-dusted hills of Pakistan's inhospitable border regions, 40 men representing Taliban groups all across Pakistan's northwest frontier came together to unify under a single banner and to choose a leader.
The banner was Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, or the Taliban Movement of Pakistan, with a fighting force estimated at up to 40,000. And the leader was Baitullah Mehsud, the man Pakistan accuses of murdering former prime minister Benazir Bhutto.

The move is an attempt to present a united front against the Pakistani army, which has been fighting insurgents along the border with Afghanistan. It is also the latest sign of the rise of Mehsud, considered the deadliest of the Taliban mullahs or clerics in northwest Pakistan.

Mehsud is based in the rugged, heavily treed mountains of South Waziristan, one of Pakistan's so-called tribal areas on the border with Afghanistan, where Western intelligence says al-Qaida is regrouping. His organization has claimed responsibility, often backed up by videos, for killing and kidnapping hundreds of soldiers, beheading women and burning schools that teach girls anything other than religion. He also claims he has a steady supply of suicide bombers and strong ties to al-Qaida.

"Al-Qaida has succeeded in building a base in the last two or three years mostly with help from Mehsud," said Ahmed Zaidan, a reporter for Al-Jazeera Television in Qatar who interviewed Mehsud three weeks ago. "They are moving freely in the tribal areas where it is difficult for the Pakistan army to move."
During the interview, Mehsud said in halting Arabic that he had never met Osama bin Laden but knew Abu Musab al-Zarqawi well. Al-Zarqawi, the Jordanian-born head of al-Qaida in Iraq, was killed in a U.S. air raid two years ago.

Al-Qaida gives Mehsud money and logistical advice, according to one of his Taliban allies, Maulvi Muslim, who spoke to The Associated Press in a voice that barely rose above a whisper and fell silent when a stranger walked by.
The Al-Qaida funds don't always come in cash. Rather, Afghan and Pakistani businessmen — usually in the United Arab Emirates — are given money to buy high-priced goods like cars. The goods are shipped to Pakistan and sold, often tripling al-Qaida's investment. The businessmen, with sympathies to al-Qaida, take a small cut while al-Qaida spreads the wealth among its allies.

The Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan share ideological goals but have separate structures, Muslim said. The spiritual head of both is the one-eyed Mullah Mohammed Omar, the leader of Afghanistan's Taliban before being ousted by the U.S.-led coalition in November 2001 and to whom Mehsud swore allegiance in 2001, according to Muslim.

Mehsud, thought to be in his 40s, is secretive and, like Mullah Omar, hates to be photographed. He is described as devoted to the Taliban and not well educated.
"They say he is free from all vices, walks around covering almost half his face all the time," said Mehmood Shah, a retired Pakistani brigadier who was the government's former point man for the tribal regions. "He is very modest in his manners and polite."

Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf has also accused Mehsud's men of carrying out most of 19 suicide bombings in Pakistan over just three months. Newspapers quoted him as threatening Bhutto's life, but he denied it, and also denied Pakistani accusations that he was behind her Dec. 27 assassination.
Mehsud is also quoted as saying jihad is the only way to peace, a belief reflected in his history.

Muslim says Mehsud's first battlefield experience was in Afghanistan in the late 1980s against Soviet invaders. His mentor at the time was Jalaluddin Haqqani, a powerful commander in eastern Afghanistan backed by the United States against the Soviets. Now Haqqani is wanted as a terrorist by the U.S. and NATO.

According to both Muslim and another Taliban source, when the U.S. invaded in 2001, Mehsud fought with the Taliban in Shah-e-Kot in eastern Afghanistan. Scores of Uzbek, Tajik and Arab fighters are believed to have escaped from Shah-e-Kot to South Waziristan, where Mehsud rules. The Mehsud tribe is not the largest in South Waziristan, but it has a reputation for being the fiercest.
Mehsud's ascent reflects the failure of Pakistan's army with its U.S. funding to win control of its tribal areas.

When the U.S. invaded Afghanistan in 2001, Mehsud was not prominent among the Pakistani militants who supported Afghanistan's Taliban, according to Shah, the former army officer."Mehsud was a small fry, but I could see in time he could be of some problem," Shah said. "I was trying to get big tribal people onto the government side and religious people onto the government side to isolate these hard-core types like him."

It was a long process. Pakistan got tribal leaders to put up money or weapons as guarantees that they would keep peace __ a traditional tribal strategy that makes sure one tribe doesn't renege on its promise to another. If they misbehaved, Pakistan tried to strangle their businesses and hammer them with force.

Shah recalled destroying 80 shops belonging to a renegade tribal leader.
At the time, Shah said, Mehsud was not even the definitive leader of South Waziristan. At one point, he became embroiled in a power struggle with another in his tribe, Abdullah Mehsud, an Afghan war veteran who had spent time in U.S. custody in Guantanamo Bay. Abdullah Mehsud opposed any agreement with the Pakistani government.

Shah said he made a point of operating within the tribal structures and dealing with the tribal leaders and not the Pakistani Taliban commanders emerging at the time.

But by the end of 2004, the Pakistani army had started negotiations with the militants, Shah said. The pressure to negotiate came from the provincial government of the frontier, a coalition of right-wing religious parties sympathetic to the Taliban and opposed to the Western troop presence in Afghanistan.

Musharraf, whose rule as both Pakistani president and army chief of staff was being challenged in 2004, agreed to talks in exchange for the support of the provincial government. As a result, the Pakistani government on Feb. 7, 2005 signed a peace agreement with Mehsud.

According to Shah, Mehsud's troop strength then went from less than 100 to about 20,000, or roughly half the total thought to be under Taliban command in the northwest region that straddles the Pakistan-Afghan border. The agreement gave Mehsud the time to consolidate his forces and kill pro-government tribal leaders.

"The government policy of appeasement gave Mehsud a free hand to recruit and motivate," said Shah, who described Mehsud as "very cool and calculating."
Within a year of the agreement, Shah said, 123 pro-government tribal leaders were gunned down on Mehsud's orders, accused of spying. Other suspected spies were publicly hanged or beheaded. In the Bajour region of the tribal belt, many residents say they buy Taliban protection by letting one son join its ranks.
Mehsud also negotiated a prisoner exchange with Musharraf in November. Mehsud handed over a couple of hundred soldiers who had surrendered to the Taliban without firing a shot. In exchange, Musharraf gave up 19 men who were in custody on terrorism charges, including a son of Mehsud's mentor, Jalaluddin Haqqani, who had been in Pakistan custody.

Copyright © 2008 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

MORE ON TEHRIK-E-TALIBAN

2008-01-29T08:49:00.000-08:00

Editorial: The rise of Tehreek-e-Taliban (DAILY TIMES OF LAHORE,29-1-08)

The former interior minister, Mr Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao, has been outspoken to the foreign press about the strength of Talibanisation in Pakistan, pointing to its penetration of Pakistan’s electoral process. He told The New York Times that the only way to confront it was through “swift and decisive action”, but, he added, “the police are scared; they don’t want to get involved” and the paramilitary Frontier Corps was “too stressed” to meet the challenge. He expressed his dismay over the fact that while the Pakistan Army had forces in the Tribal Areas where the militants have built their sanctuaries, “the soldiers have remained in their headquarters” and not out front fighting them.

Mr Sherpao then said something more frightening. He claimed that the Taliban were supported by elements determined to affect the electoral process in their favour: “the Taliban are well-financed, skilled in propaganda and paying political opponents to stay away from the elections”. Fearing “total Talibanisation”, he warned that unless political parties, civil society, and religious leaders unitedly acted against it, it was bound to overwhelm Pakistan.

As if on cue, the next statement on the continuing power of the Taliban came from the Afghanistan President, Mr Hamid Karzai, who told the Washington Post that his country along with Pakistan faced “gloom and doom” from Taliban insurgents, and called for the world to “join hands” to defeat the “Islamist” rebels. He said, without naming Pakistan, that the Taliban had “external backers”, but the US intelligence had made it clear that the Taliban “receive support from the tribal areas on Pakistan’s western border”. Like President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan he too referred to extremism as the dominant worldview in the region and asked for firm international opposition to it.

As Mr Sherpao spoke, the NWFP was getting ready to enforce a special judiciary of Qazis in the provincially controlled areas of Swat, Dir and Chitral. On the surface the courts would be presided over by normal judges but would be helpless to follow the verdict of the clerical “adviser” attached to the courts. Fears are being expressed that verdicts handed down by these “qazi courts” would simply supplement the extremism of Talibanisation which has so far waged war against the culture and economy of the region.

Reacting to the development, Mr Javed Ahmed Ghamidi, a member of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), has stated that Islam had not laid down any edict in favour of “qazi courts”. It would clearly be a parallel system that the Taliban would support.

The area has already been primed for a parallel extremist system by illegal FM radio and in the federally administered Khyber Agency punishments like stoning to death are already being doled out.Meanwhile reports are circulating in the world that in the middle of this month, 40 different groups commanding an army of 40,000 gathered in Peshawar to unite under a single banner, Tehreek-e-Taliban under Baitullah Mehsud.

According to Al Jazeera TV, Mr Mehsud has facilitated the building of a base in South Waziristan for elements of Al Qaeda. During the TV interview, Mr Mehsud claimed he had never met Osama bin Laden but had known Abu Musab Al Zarqawi, the Al Qaeda leader who died in Iraq fighting the Americans, but sources inside the Tribal Areas say Mr Mehsud received funding from Al Qaeda: “Afghan and Pakistani businessmen — usually in the UAE — are given money to buy high-priced goods like cars. The goods are shipped to Pakistan and sold, often tripling Al Qaeda’s investment”.

What was the most important factor in the rise of Baitullah Mehsud? According to a former adviser to the government on Tribal Areas, Brigadier (Retd) Mehmood Shah, it was the conciliatory policies imposed on Islamabad by the clerical MMA government of the NWFP. “Peace agreements” were signed with Mr Mehsud because President Musharraf was under pressure to obtain the cooperation of the NWFP government, but within weeks tribal elders and dignitaries known to support the government began to be gunned down till there was no one left in the Tribal Areas to speak for Pakistan.

Because of Mr Mehsud’s personal allegiance, Afghanistan’s former ruler Mullah Muhammad Umar leads the Taliban on both sides of the Durand Line. A very transparent ruse was revealed last week when Mullah Umar actually “fired” Mr Mehsud for attacking Pakistan and not the Americans in Afghanistan.The US is supposed to have offered a wider CIA role in the Tribal Areas to President Musharraf earlier this month, which the president rebuffed. But there is need to focus on the issue of Tehreek-e-Taliban in order to protect the 2008 elections. It is only after a political consensus is reached through the elections that effective action to bring the writ of the state back to the region will be possible.

BAITULLAH MEHSUD & NEO TALIBAN

2008-01-29T06:48:00.000-08:00

Baitullah is on his own, say Afghan Taliban

Bureau Report

PESHAWAR, Jan 28: The Taliban in Afghanistan have distanced themselves from Pakistani militants led by Baitullah Mehsud, saying they don’t support any militant activity in Pakistan.“We do not support any militant activity and operation in Pakistan,” Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid told Dawn on telephone from an undisclosed location on Monday.

The spokesman denied media reports that the Taliban had expelled Baitullah Mehsud, the head of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.“Baitullah is a Pakistani and we as the Afghan Taliban have nothing to do with his appointment or his expulsion. We did not appoint him and we have not expelled him,” he said.

A spokesman for Baitullah Mehsud has already denied the expulsion report in a Hong Kong magazine and said that the militant leader continued to be the amir of Tehrik-Taliban Pakistan.“He has not been expelled and he continues to be the amir of Pakistani Taliban,” Baitullah’s spokesman Maulavi Omar said.

The Asia Times Online in a report last week claimed that the Taliban supreme leader Mullah Mohammad Omar had removed Baitullah from the leadership of the Taliban movement for fighting in Pakistan at the expense of ‘Jihad’ in Afghanistan.“We have no concern with anybody joining or leaving the Taliban movement in Pakistan. Ours is an Afghan movement and we as a matter of policy do not support militant activity in Pakistan,” the Taliban spokesman said.“Had he been an Afghan we would have expelled him the same way we expelled Mansoor Dadullah for disobeying the orders of Mullah Omar. But Baitullah is a Pakistani Talib and whatever he does is his decision. We have nothing to do with it,” Mr Mujahid maintained.“We have nothing to do with anybody’s appointment or expulsion in the Pakistani Taliban movement,” he insisted.

Baitullah, who has been accused of plotting the assassination of Ms Benazir Bhutto, told Al Jazeera in an interview that he had taken baya’h (oath of allegiance) to Mullah Muhammad Omar and obeyed his orders.But the Taliban spokesman said the oath of allegiance did not mean that Pakistani militants were under direct operational control of Mullah Omar.“There are mujahideen in Iraq who have taken baya’h to Mullah Omar and there are mujahideen in Saudi Arabia who have taken baya’h to him. So taking baya’h does not mean that Mullah Omar has direct operational control over them,” the spokesman said.
"DAWN" OF KARACHI 29-1-08

2008-01-28T08:44:00.000-08:00

Musharraf faces new militant challenge---Daily Times of Lahore, 28-1-08

Analysts say president must choose between fighting terrorists or letting them gain ground

ISLAMABAD: With militants now massing at the gates of Peshawar, President Pervez Musharraf faces a new challenge on his return from a foreign tour, analysts and officials have said.After a week-long charm offensive in Europe aimed at convincing Western allies he can tackle Al Qaeda, Musharraf will return home this week to find rebels clashing with security forces just outside Peshawar.Long-standing dilemna: Analysts said Musharraf must resolve a long-standing dilemma — go after the militant leadership and risk even more suicide attacks in the countryy’s major cities, or hold back and see the insurgents push further into the country.“These militants have been expanding their influence in the northwest, and it has been happening for quite a few days,” Brigadier Mahmood Shah, the former secretary for the Tribal Areas during 2003 and 2004, told AFP. “The government is reacting late to the threat and the situation,” added Shah, who was in charge of the Tribal Areas at a time of massive military operations to drive out the fighters.The army is denying that the clashes are linked to the situation in South Waziristan, the stronghold of Al Qaeda-linked radical warlord and former premier Benazir Bhutto assassination suspect Baitullah Mehsud.But Rahimullah Yousafzai, an analyst on tribal affairs and leading journalist in the country, said the current battles near Peshawar and in South Waziristan were linked due to a change in militant tactics.“It is a diversion, they are trying to help militants in South Waziristan by engaging the army elsewhere,” Yousafzai said.“The ammunition trucks were being carried by the army to Waziristan — this seizure was to help Baitullah Mehsud.” Yousafzai said Taliban and Al Qaeda militants were now present in most of the NWFP and were abandoning a defensive policy of launching suicide attacks in retaliation for military operations. afp

FRONTIER CORPS

2008-01-24T20:28:00.000-08:00

PakDef Forums > PakDef.Info > Pakistan Military & Strategic Forum > Military History Archive > Frontier Corps
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------PDAView Full Version : Frontier Corps
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:01 PMFrontier Corps
It is an historical fact that the tribes living in mountainous area West of River Indus had preserved their independence against the forces of many invading forces/rulers. When the Sikh Empire collapsed and Punjab was annexed by British on 29 Jan 1849, the areas comprising the present North West Frontier Province, also came under their way. It was a difficult task to subjugate the tribes even by the active help/Support of the British. However, within another fifty years, many expeditions were sent against them and some sort of hold was established. The misadventure in Afghanistan by the British in the Second Afghan War of 1878-80 led to the demarcation of the Durand Line.
The demarcation of Durand Line increased the responsibilities of the British. By that time, they had already established Khyber Agency in 1878, Kurram Agency in 1892 and the Malakand, North and South Waziristan Agencies were established in 1895-96. These administrative agencies in the area had their own units of Militia and Scouts, namely, the Khyber Rifles (1878), Zhob Militia (1883) the Kurram Militia (1892), Tochi Scouts (1894), Chagai Militia (1896). South Waziristan Scouts (1900) and Chitral Scouts (1903). Various Frontier Corps Force (PIFFERS) units of the Frontier Army force also remained stationed at Dera Ghazi Khan, Dera Ismail Khan, Bannu, Kohat, Mardan etc in support of the Scouts.

The arrival in India of Lord Curzon as Viceroy and Governor General in 1899 brought at a change in the policy about the border tribes. He entrusted the job of the PIFFERS to the Scouts and Militia Units. According to a unique tradition, the PIFFER Units and Scouts, used to accept LRC (Last Ration Certificate) of each others personnel despite different accounting systems. These units had been raised in different areas and organised according to local requirements.

With the new role, an organisation for coordination was felt necessary. As such a separate Headquarters was created in 1907. The new organisation that was called the Frontier Corps initially comprised the above-mentioned seven units. An inspecting officer with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel/Colonel was appointed as head of the Frontier Corps. His job was to coordinate the activities of the Militia and Scouts and also to re-organise these units in the light of new responsibilities. The offices of the Inspecting officers and IGFC’s used to be in a building near the present Provincial Assembly Hall. These were later shifted to Bala Hisar Fort in 1949. The first Inspecting Officer was Colonel W.C Barrett, DSO.

In 1943, the designation of Inspecting Officer Frontier Corps, was changed to the Inspector General and Secretary, Frontier Corps (NWFP), with the rank of a Brigadier whose jurisdiction stretched from Skardu in Northern Area to NWFP, Baluchistan and down to sea coast of Mekran. By then, the First Mahsud Scouts, raised in 1937, had also been included in the Frontier Corps. In later years, the Second Mahsud Scouts (1944), the Pishin Scouts (1946), the Thall Scouts (1948), the Northern Scouts (1949), the Bajaur Scouts (1961), the Karakoram Scouts (1964), the Kalat Scouts (1965) and Dir Scouts (1970) were also added. The Kohistan Scouts, were raised on 31st December 1977 at Fort Milward by Major Abdul Qadir Khan but disbanded in 1981. When as a result of one-unit, the province of West Pakistan, was created in 1955, the word "Secretary" was dropped.

By 1947 the Frontier Corps had further increased in strength and had become a very big force looking after the area from the Karakoram in the North to the Mekran Coast in the South. The area of responsibility was well over 2500 miles in length. It was, therefore, decided to bifurcate the Frontier Corps. The units stationed in Northern Areas Skardu/Gilgit directly came under the Army, and Baluchistan province came under Frontier Corps (Baluchistan) with Headquarters at Quetta and headed by its IGFC. These units included Zhob Militia, Sibi Scouts, Kalat Scouts, Mekran Militia, Kharan Rifles, Pishin Scouts, Chaghai Militia and First Mahsud Scouts which were re-named as Maiwand Rifles, Ghazaband Scouts, Bhambore Rifles, Kharan Rifles and Loralai Scouts were also raised later on. Mekran Militia which had ceased to exist in early sixties was also re-raised. The units serving in the North West Frontier Province came under Frontier Corps (NWFP) with Headquarters at Peshawar. Second Mahsud Scouts became Mahsud Scouts. Mohmand Rifles and Shawal Rifles were raised later on. The following Pakistani IGFC’s have commanded so far:
Brig Ahmad Jan, MBE (1950-51)
Brig K A Rahim Khan (1951-53)
Brig Bakhtiar Rana, MC (1953-55)
Brig Sadiq Ullah Khan, M.C (1955-58)
Brig Rahman Gul, SQA, S, K, MC (1958-63)
Brig Sadiq Ullah Khan, MC (1964-64)
Brig Bahadur Sher, MC (1964-66)
Brig Mahboob Khan, TQA (1966-69)
Brig Mahmud Jan, SQA (1969-71)
Maj. Gen. Sherin Dil Khan Niazi (1971-72)
Brig Iftikhar e Bashir (1972)
Brig Nasir Ullah Khan Babar, SJ & Bar (1972-74)
Brig Ghulam Rabbani Khan, HI (M), S.Bt (1974-78)
Maj. Gen. Agha Zulfiqar Ali Khan, HI(M) (1978-81)
Maj. Gen. Mian Muhammad Afzal, HI(M) (1982-84)
Maj. Gen. M. Arif Bangash, S.Bt (1984-86)
Maj. Gen. Mohammad Shafiq, HI(M), S.Bt (1986-88)
Maj. Gen. Ghazi ud Din Rana, S.Bt (1988-90)
Maj. Gen. Humayun Khan Bangash, T.Bt (1990-91)
Maj. Gen. Muhammad Naeem Akbar Khan (1991-92)
Maj. Gen. Mumtaz Gul, T.Bt (1992-94)
Maj. Gen. Fazal Ghafoor, S.Bt (1994-97)
Maj. Gen. Sultan Habib, HI(M), (1997-todate)

It is worth mentioning that Brigadier Sadiq Ullah Khan, MC had the distinction of serving twice, as IGFC from 1955 to 1958 and 1963 to 1964. Similarly Brigadier (Now Lt. Gen. Retd) Bakhtiar Rana (1953-55) and Major General Ghazi ud Rana (1988-90) were the only father and son to have remained IGFC’s of the Frontier Corps.

The Militias and Scouts of the Frontier Corps are as such: (Click on them to get more info)
Chitral Scouts
Khyber Rifles
Kurram Militia
South Waziristan Scouts
Tochi Scouts
Zhob Militia
Chaghai Militia
Sibi Scouts
Kalat Scouts
Makran Militia
Kharan Rifles
Pishin Scouts
Maiwind Rifles
Ghazaband Scouts
Bambore Rifles
Loralai Scouts
Mahsud Scouts
Mohmand Rifles
Shawal Rifles
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:02 PMThe Chitral Scouts

On occupation of Chitral by the British in 1895, an Infantry Battalion with two guns garrisoned the district. The force was considered inadequate for the area which was still in the grip of uncertainty owing to the developments between 1892 and 1895 in which three Mehtars (Princes) were assassinated by their own brothers in a bid to get the throne.

It was also felt that in an emergency it would become very difficult to get timely re-enforcement from Gilgit or down country. Therefore, the use of local resources was considered essential. On recommendation of Captain A.H. Mac Mahon, GSI, CIE, Political Agent Dir, Swat and Chitral, a local Corps was raised in 1903 and named as Chitral State Scouts. Captain Orrady was the first Commandant of the Corps. When the Army moved out of Chitral in 1942 the Corps was re-designated as Chitral Scouts and with this new designation, came under the control of Frontier Corps.

During the third Afghan War of 1919, the whole force was mobilised for active service against the Afghans on the Arandu-Birkot front. They compelled the Afghans to retreat from Chitral border which they had captured prior to the arrival of the force in the area. They also captured Birkot and brought back as a booty considerable arms and ammunition including two Russian guns of 2.75” calibres. These guns are at present placed in the Quarter Guard of Chitral Scouts.

A force known as Chitral Body Guards under the direct control of Mehtar of Chitral also accompanied Chitral Scouts in the above battle. The strength of the Corps was raised to nine companies in 1914 on the outbreak of World War I. The Corps was raised to the strength of 10 companies in 1973 and 16 companies in 1986. In February 1987, its strength was raised to 6 Rifle Wings, a mortar battery and a Headquarters Wing.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:02 PMThe Khyber Rifles

The Khyber Rifles is one of the oldest historic units of Militia of Frontier Corps NWFP. Khyber Rifles originally known as Khyber Jezailchis, were raised in Nov. 1878 by Captain Gais Ford. It was a sort of semi Khassadars Force carrying their own rifle (Jezail). This force was to prevent the tribes molesting the line of control of the Second Afghan War expeditionary force (1878). Captain Gais Ford commanded Khyber Rifles upto 1881 when he handed over command to Sardar Mohammad Aslam Khan (First Muslim Commandant). Sardar Mohammad Aslam Khan, who later became Lt. Col. Nawab Sir Mohammad Aslam Khan, commanded the Corps from 1881 to 1897. He has seen the longest period of command i.e. 16 years. Upto 1887 the Khyber Jezailchis served only in Khyber Agency. In that year they were redesignated as the Khyber Rifles and their role changed from serving within the Khyber Agency to serving anywhere required. This major change in the conditions of their service enabled the personnel of the Khyber Rifles to distinguish themselves in various expeditions and operations in which the troops took part.

In the troublesome period of World War II, the British Government appreciating the fighting qualities of the Frontier tribes, realised that they could not achieve their aims without the support of important tribes whose recruitment had been stopped in 1921 due to their hostile actions. As a consequence, in addition to some other tribal battalions, the first Afridi Battalion was raised in 1942. This Battalion, served in Iraq, Iran and Syria upto 1946. In appreciation for the helpful response in successfully raising the first Afridi Battalion and gallant actions of the Battalion during the War, it was decided to re-raise the Khyber Rifles.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:02 PMThe Kurram Militia

The conquest of Punjab was completed by the British in 1849, but with in the British also acquired the perpetual and insolvable problem of North West Frontier. The high mountains of the area were an effective barrier against invasion, provided the passes were held. The rugged and mountainous nature of terrain made the administration of the area is very difficult, and the freedom loving characteristics of the tribal people of the area made government by foreigners almost impossible. By tradition, in some cases, they were predators through economic necessity and as fanatics they fiercely resisted only rule by the Sikhs or Christians. It was also difficult to make them hold to any agreement, because they would not acknowledge a master. After the annexation of Punjab, the British found the tribesmen on obstacle to the effective management of the vulnerable border with Afghanistan and ultimately Russian. Initially the British followed the “Closed Door Policy”, but by the end of the nineteenth century they switched to “Forward Policy” i.e. of occupying and administering the country right upto the “Durand Line”. This policy was adopted once the British failed to conquer and subjugate the Pathans. To this end a new province by the name of North West Frontier was created to help in the administration of the area. They also found a novel way of solving the problem, and that was to recruit the locals in the Frontier Brigade of the Indian Army. Later on the British raised the Frontier Scouts and assigned the responsibility of security of the region.

Traditionally Afghanistan claimed suzerainty over the Kurram Valley, but apart from an occasional revenue extorting expeditions, they were unable to enforce their writ until the mid nineteenth century, when they occupied the valley with a military force and established their own Afghan Governor. They were finally driven out in the Second Afghan War 1878-80.

The Turis tribe in Kurram Agency, except for their initial troubles in the year 1850-55, always enjoyed cordial relations with the British. They had helped them against Kabul Khel Wazirs in 1859 and against the Zaimukht Tribe in 1879. It was neither the policy of the British government to annex the Kurram Valley nor did they want to get physically involved in the area. However, what the British wanted was to inculcate a spirit of self-reliance, self-protection and self-governance by the Turis themselves. However when the Turis took over the country, due to intense hatred between various factions of the area, complete anarchy resulted, Kurram was occupied by Chikai, the famous Zaimukht leader, and the Turis of Upper Kurram had great difficulty in repulsing the attacks of their Sunni neighbours. Finally as the various tribes of the area would not combine amongst themselves, they came, at their own request under the protection of the British government in the year 1892. In September of that year regular Army troops arrived in the valley and Mr. Merk, I.C.S was appointed as its first British Governor. However, it was soon realised that maintaining regular Army to guard such a far-flung Frontier, bordering on hostile and troublesome tribes was a very expensive affair. A new policy was therefore chalked out. The Turis themselves were to be made custodians of the Frontier. The regular Army was to be replaced by the local Turis Militia, as a well trained and lightly equipped infantry force, fully acquainted with local conditions and amply conversant with the country side. The formation of Turis Militia was initiated under Captain C.M. Dallas on 18 Oct. 1892, with a view to avoid the serious commitment of regular Army units for the protection of borders as well as to provide protection to Turis Shia Community in the valley. The raising of Turi Militia was later on completed by Captain E.W.S.K Maconchey of the 4th Punjab Infantry. The headquarters of the Militia was originally located at Balish Khel about 30 kilometers east of Parachinar but was soon shifted to Parachinar itself. Initially in 1899 an experiment was made of dividing the Militia into two separate battalions under separate commandants. The first battalion with a strength of 957 was to be mobile force for defence against foreign aggression, while the second was for garrisoning the valley. However, when this arrangement proved impracticable, the two battalions were amalgamated under one commandant in 1902. About this time the Turi Militia was renamed as Kurram Militia.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:03 PMThe South Waziristan Scouts

In 1878 an irregular Corps had been raised from local tribesmen i.e. Afridi in Khyber to protect traffic moving through the Khyber Pass, picquetting the hills on either side, protecting the route between the Afghan Frontier and Jamrud at the Eastern end of the pass. The Khyber Rifles (old Khyber Jezailchis) through practical experience, were reckoned on all accounts, to be a success, and if Afridis could be made into a useful local militia, surely this could be done elsewhere too.

To the Britishers the core of the Frontier problem was Waziristan and in particular its two largest tribes the Mahsuds of South Waziristan and Wazirs of the North Waziristan. The Political Agent of North Waziristan from his Headquarters in Bannu and the Political Agent of South Waziristan from the Headquarters in Tank, employed local levies who were quite useless but retained on the pay with the hope that they could thereby be kept out of mischief.

Wazirs and Mahsuds are related but were seldom on good terms. Both tribes were very difficult to handle. It was against this background that the North Waziristan Militia and South Waziristan Militia were formed in 1900. Each Corps consisted initially of 850 men, soon increased to 1850, half trans-Frontier, half cis-Frontier divided into two wings of approximately battalion strength each, and 150 mounted infantry (MI). They were armed with Martini rifles. Each Corps had six British Officers, two in each wing, the Commandant and the Adjutant/Quartermaster who also commanded the MI.

The South Waziristan Militia with Headquarters at Wana had to protect two routes form Murtaza to Wana. The nearest military garrison was in Jandola. First Commandant of the South Waziristan Militia was Lt. Col. R.H. Harman D.S.O who took over as the Commandant on first 1st July 1900 and continued commanding it till he was stabbed to death by a Shabi Khel Mahsud Sepoy Shabir Khan in January 1905.

For quite some time South Waziristan Militia kept supporting the regular army in its operations in the Agency from its Headquarters at Khargai. In March 1923 their Headquarters were shifted to Jandola.

In 1921 South Waziristan Militia was replaced by South Waziristan Scouts. For which additional manpower was made available from Mohmand Militia which had been disbanded in December 1921.

In 1924, the Corps was reorganised into wing. The primary responsibility of the Scouts was to occupy such dominating features all along the Lines of Communications and those nodal points which, if occupied by hostile tribes, would hinder regular army's movement in the Agency. Slowly and gradually the Scouts succeeded in establishing their authority along almost all the roads in the Agency. By 1937 complete Agency was under the effective control of the British.

The Jandola Mess acquired a reputation for hospitality and served numerous guests. Among the earliest in 1924, were a party of VIPs including Arlfred Mond, Chairman of ICI and Lord Incheape, Chairman of the P and o Line, touring India, during the cold weather.

Another early visitor to Jandola was, Lawrence of Arabia. He visited the area in 1928 in the guise of an Aircraftsmans Show; benighted there by a broken down truck and accommodated in Officer’s Mess. He kept them enthralled by tales (some, perhaps, almost true) of far Arabia and left them a volume which is still treasured by the South Waziristan Scouts officers. “This book, he inscribed on the flyleaf (see photograph), was written by me, but its sordid type and squalid blocks are the responsibility of the publisher. It is, however, the last copy in print of Revolt in the Desert, and I have much pleasure in presenting it to the officers of the South Waziristan Scouts in memory of a very interesting day and night with them”. This book today is lying in the South Waziristan Scouts Officer’s Mess, Wana.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:03 PMThe Tochi Scouts

When, in 1849 British completed their conquest of the Sikhs, they acquired not only the Punjab, but also its problems, most notably the ungovernable North-West Frontier. The Frontier tribesmen, the Pathans, though loyal to their family and friends, were well known for their savagery in battle and their fierce independence. Their rebelliousness was the obstacle to the effective management of the vulnerable border with Afghanistan and ultimately, Czarist Russia.

The British solution to the problem was ingenious. They could not conquer the Pathans, so they recruited them instead. The tribesmen offered the benefits of joining the government service, became the Frontier Scouts, responsible for the security of the region. “The poachers became same keepers” as the Charles Chenevix Trench says in his book The Frontier Scouts”. The Tochi Scouts were also the ultimate result of the same background in North Waziristan Agency.

Upto 1904 regular troops occupied the out-posts in Tochi valley with a view to replace the regular troops, the North Waziristan Militia was raised on 1st June 1900 at Idak by Captain A. Fergusson Davie of 53 Sikhs (FF-Now 5 FF). At the time of raising the North Waziristan Militia consisted of 50 Mounted foot infantry and 800 Infantry. In 1901 the strength was increased to 70 Mounted Infantry and 1000 Infantry. The Headquarters of the Corps was transferred to Miranshah in October 1904. In October 1912 the strength of the Corps was increased to 150 Mounted. Croixde Guerre Darim Khan lived to become one of Frontier’s most famous characters.

The name of Faqir of Ipi was Mirza Ali Khan. His followers used to call him ‘Haji Sahib’. Ipi is a village, from where Faqir of Ipi started Jehad against British government. Village lpi is located near Mirali Camp in North Waziristan Agency. He was born in 1897 in Shankai Kairta, which is located near Khajuri Post in North Waziristan Agency. He belonged to Haibati Madi Kheil, which is one of the sub tribes of Tori Khel Wazirs. His father was a religious man, named Arsala Khan. Faqir of Ipi was basically peaceful, religious preacher. He performed his first Hajj in 1928. He got married with the daughter of Qazi Hayat Ud Din, famous by the name of “Sheerzad”. He migrated from Bannu to Afghanistan during Khilafat movement. On arrival from Afghanistan back to his village, he adopted complete religious life. Being religious minded, he became popular among the Wazirs and all other tribes in the surroundings. He neither joined any political party, nor participated in any kind of political movement. Physically, he was slim with short height. He spent maximum time in the caves, busy in his prayers. In old age he became the patient of asthma.

Faqir of Ipi died at night on April 16, 1960. During his last days, he became so sick that it was not possible for him to walk for a few steps. People from far away used to come to him. His Namaz-I-Janaza was held at Gurwaikht led by Maulavi Pir Rehman. Thousands of people from different places came for his Namaz-I-Janaza. He was buried at Gurwaikht. In September 1922, the strength was decreased to 100 Mounted Infantry and 887 infantry and was given the name Tochi Scouts. Later on further increases/decreases in strength have been made in the establishment of this Corps in accordance with the exigencies of service.

Eversince the raising of this Corps is has remained on active service: always on its toes. Its long bloody and chequered history is the history of North Waziristan Agericy. It requires piles of books to be written if one has to do justice to the glorious services. Ithas rendered in North Waziristan Agency in particular and to the Frontier Corps in general.

On 7 January 1915 Captain Eustace Jotham of North Waziristan Militia and 12 Mounted Infantry rode out of Miranshah to locate raiders from Khost, in Afghanistan. Captain Jotham was a romantic officer, who while on leave, won newspaper fame by rescuing passengers from a blazing railway carriage and now he was furious at being stuck in mud-hut in Waziristan. At Spina Khaisora, fifteen miles west of Miranshah, he along with his small patrol were ambushed in a deep nullah and almost surrounded by some 1500 tribesmen. Jotham and his men galloped for safety, but just as he was getting clear, the horse of one of his sawers was shot down. He turned back to rescue him using sword, and killed many tribesmen before he was shot dead riddled with the bullets and bleeding with dozens of slashes. Almost at the same time his daffadar a Wazir named Darim Khan dismounted to give covering fire to the remainder of the patrol and remounted and got away safely. Jotham was awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross. Darim Khan received the Indian Order of Merit.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SyedA03-28-2004, 09:08 PM55th Coke's Riffle (http://www.britishempire.co.uk/forces/armyunits/indianinfantry/55thcokesrifles.htm)British India Army units (http://www.britishempire.co.uk/forces/armyunits/armyunit.htm)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------RADIO FREE EUROPE / RADIO LIBERTYwww.rferl.org
Pentagon Wants More Funding For Pakistan Frontier Corps

By Ron Synovitz
November 20, 2007 (RFE/RL) -- The U.S. military wants to nearly double its funding to train and equip Pakistan's Frontier Corps, a paramilitary force with members who are the same ethnicity as pro-Taliban tribal fighters near the border with Afghanistan.
Pakistan's Frontier Corps is responsible for protecting the country's western regions along its more than 1,500-kilometer porous border with Afghanistan.
With a reported 60,000 paramilitary troops, the force is comprised of 14 units based in the Northwest Frontier Province and 13 units in Baluchistan. The troops operate under the orders of Pakistan's Army Headquarters as well as the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions.
The Pentagon's proposal for more funds calls for a training center to be built in northwestern Pakistan.
It also calls for surveillance centers to be constructed on Pakistan's side of the border with Afghanistan in order to monitor movement by militants. There is a similar post on the Afghan side of the border.
The Pentagon says it also needs the additional money to help purchase equipment for Pakistan's Frontier Corps -- including helmets, bulletproof vests, and night-vision goggles. The plan would not provide weapons or ammunition to Pakistan. That task would be left up to Islamabad.
Altogether, the U.S. Department of Defense has asked to spend $97 million in support of the Pakistani paramilitary force in 2008, nearly double the amount for this year.
Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell says the U.S. military believes it is more effective to work with a paramilitary force like the Frontier Corps within Pakistan's tribal region than with Pakistan's army.
Morrell says the Frontier Corps commands more respect from tribal leaders in the border region than the Pakistani army because the Frontier Corps is recruited from locals who know the region, who have similar language abilities, and who have the most credibility with residents of the tribal areas.
Threat Of Instability
The Pentagon's budget request comes amid political instability in nuclear-armed Pakistan under President Pervez Musharraf and amid increasing U.S. concerns about the spread of Islamic militancy in the tribal areas.
Despite the imposition of emergency rule across Pakistan by Musharraf, violence in the Afghan-Pakistan border region continues to escalate.
The upsurge has some former military officials in Pakistan concerned about the long-term impact of the U.S. proposal.
Mahmood Shah, a retired army brigadier general who also had been in charge of security in Pakistan's tribal regions, tells RFE/RL's Radio Free Afghanistan that U.S. support for Pakistan's Frontier Corps seems uncomfortably similar to the situation in Afghanistan during the 1980s, when the United States used Pakistan as a conduit for support to Afghan mujahedin commanders who were fighting Soviet forces.
"This will have far-reaching negative consequences," Shah says. "In Afghanistan [during the Soviet occupation in 1980s], there was a weak [central] government and the country was occupied by foreign forces. People objected to the formation of armed Afghan resistance groups at that time and voiced concerns that these groups would eventually undermine Pakistan's security. The current situation proves that those concerns were justified."
Shah claims the Pentagon proposal "is not smart thinking." He warns that it could backfire and eventually strengthen renegade militia forces in Pakistan's tribal regions.
"In Pakistani society and state structure, it is very difficult to prop up such structures without the government's help," Shah says. "Even if such armed groups are formed, they will turn into a militia which will greatly contribute to undermine security. Even if it helps in the short term, in the long term such measures will have grave consequences."
There also are concerns among U.S. lawmakers about how long Pakistani troops can continue to battle the pro-Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants who are known to be hiding in the mountainous border region.
Admiral Michael Mullen, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in Washington November 15 that there were no indications that Pakistan's political crisis was jeopardizing the security of the country's nuclear weapons. And he said Musharraf's declaration of emergency rule had not had a negative impact on relations between Pakistani forces and the U.S. military.
Morrell says the Pentagon would not try to proceed with a plan to support Pakistan's Frontier Corps unless there was some degree of confidence in Washington that the results would be fruitful.
Morrell describes the support program as a joint venture with Pakistan's government. Musharraf has said that his government will provide Frontier Corps fighters with tanks and guns so they can take a lead role next year in any fighting within the tribal regions -- allowing Pakistan's army to take a more supporting role.
(RFE/RL's Radio Free Afghanistan correspondent Najib Aamir contributed to this report from Peshawar, Pakistan)

2008-01-24T00:40:00.000-08:00

A Profile of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

By Hassan Abbas CTC Sentinel, Vol 1, Issue 2, January 2008

The organizational strength,military strategy and leadership quality of the Taliban in Pakistan’s tribal territories has qualitatively improved during the last few years. At the time of the U.S.-led military campaign in Afghanistan in late 2001, allies and sympathizers of the Taliban in Pakistan were not identified as “Taliban” themselves. That reality is now a distant memory.

Today, Pakistan’s indigenous Taliban are an effective fighting force and are engaging the Pakistani military on one side and NATO forces on the other.The transition from being Taliban supporters and sympathizers to becoming a mainstream Taliban force in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) initiated when many small militant groups operating independently in the area started networking with one another. This sequence of developments occurred while Pakistani forces were spending the majority of their resources finding “foreigners” in the area linked to al-Qa`ida (roughly in the 2002-04 period).

Soon, many other local extremist groups, which were banned in Pakistan, started joining the Taliban ranks in FATA — some as followers while others as partners.During this process, the Pakistani Taliban never really merged into the organizational structure of the Afghan Taliban under Mullah Omar; instead, they developed a distinct identity.

From their perspective, they intelligently created a space for themselves in Pakistan by engaging in military attacks while at other times cutting deals with the Pakistani government to establish their autonomy in the area.1 By default, they were accepted as a legitimate voice in at least two FATA agencies—South Waziristan and North Waziristan. During this process, the Pakistani Taliban effectively established themselves as an alternative leadership to the traditional tribal elders.

By the time the Pakistani government realized the changing dynamics and tried to resurrect the tribal jirga institution, it was too late. The Taliban had killed approximately 200 of the tribal elders under charges of being Pakistani and American spies.These developments explain the genesis of a new formation: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

The TTP refers to the Taliban “movement” in Pakistan that coalesced in December 2007 under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud—a wanted militant leader from South Waziristan. This analysis discusses the origin, nature, capabilities and potential of this organization.

Formation of Tehrik-i-Taliban PakistanThe name “Tehrik-i-Taliban” had been used prior to the latest December 14 announcement. An organization with a similar name emerged in FATA’s Orakzai Agency in 1998.

2 Some reports also mention a similar organization by the name of Tehrik-i- Tulaba (Movement of Students) also operating in Orakzai Agency that even established an active Shari`a court.

3 The name and idea, therefore, is not original. More recently, on October 23, a credible newspaper in Pakistan disclosed that five militant groups joined hands to set up an organization named Tehrik-i-Taliban in Mohmand Agency with a goal “to flush out gangs carrying out criminal activities in the name of Taliban.” Its spokesman, who was identified under the Arab name Abu Nauman Askari, even mentioned the formation of a 16-member shura (consultative committee) to coordinate the activities of the groups.

4 The statement, however, sounded like an initiative that benefited from government involvement since Islamabad has been attempting to create rifts between the different Taliban and militant factions. The rise of Maulvi Nazir in 2007, for instance, was such an operation as he had received government support in challenging Uzbek militants operating in South Waziristan.

5 Furthermore, the news was not carried by any other major newspaper in the country, indicating that no general press release was issued by the supposed new formation. In this context, it is possible that it was a planted story by Pakistan’s intelligence services to gather support for the group. Such leaks are not uncommon. Nothing has been heard about this organization since.Less than two months after this announcement, another group claiming to be Tehrik-i- Taliban Pakistan announced its formation. The December 14, 2007 announcement was viewed suspiciously in terms of authenticity, since it followed after the October 23 announcement. It soon became clear, however, that the December 14 announcement was unique and alarming. It showed that the authentic Taliban were quick to establish their ownership over the title “Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.”Structure, Activities and Goals of the TTPA shura of 40 senior Taliban leaders established the TTP as an umbrella organization. Militant commander Baitullah Mehsud was appointed as its amir, Maulana Hafiz Gul Bahadur of North Waziristan as senior naib amir (deputy) and Maulana Faqir Muhammad of Bajaur Agency as the third in command.

6 The shura not only has representation from all of FATA’s seven tribal agencies, but also from the settled North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) districts of Swat, Bannu, Tank, Lakki Marwat, Dera Ismail Khan, Kohistan, Buner and Malakand. This reach demonstrates the TTP’s ambitions. Since its establishment, the TTP through its various demarches have announced the following objectives and principles:

1. Enforce Shari`a, unite against NATO forces in Afghanistan and perform “defensive jihad against the Pakistan army.”

2. React strongly if military operations are not stopped in Swat District and North Waziristan Agency.

3. Demand the abolishment of all military checkpoints in the FATA area.

4. Demand the release of Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) Imam Abdul Aziz.

5. Refuse future peace deals with the government of Pakistan.Initially, the TTP gave a 10 day deadline for the government to stop military action in FATA and Swat District, but then extended the deadline in lieu of the country’s mourning of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s death on December 27, 2007.

8 On January 4, 2008, however, TTP spokesman Ghazi Ahmed called journalists to inform them that a one week extension of the ultimatum would begin on January 5 and threatened to attack the city of Peshawar if their demands were not met.

9 The TTP was also quick to deny their involvement in killing Bhutto after the government of Pakistan claimed that her assassination was conducted by associates of Baitullah Mehsud and even produced a transcript of Mehsud’s telephone conversation proving his involvement.

10Mehsud’s spokesman responded by maintaining that the transcript was “a drama,” and that Bhutto’s death was a “tragedy” that had left Mehsud “shocked.”

11 A purported spokesman for Mehsud, Maulvi Omar, later told Reuters: “Tribal people have their own customs. We don’t strike women.”

12 This shows that the organization has a media cell, a public relations policy and is quite serious about its plans. The Pakistani government has been slow to respond to these developments as the TTP has not yet been officially banned, and the government maintains that “a decision to this effect will come only after a thorough examination of all the aspects concerned.”

13 Although the TTP is young as an organization, there is no dearth of operational capabilities at its disposal. Baitullah Mehsud already is an established leader—with the command of some 5,000 fighters—and has been involved in militant activities for the last few years in FATA and the adjacent areas. Many other militant groups seem anxious to join in. On December 23, 2007, for instance, five soldiers and six civilians were killed in the Mingora area of the Swat Valley when a suicide bomber targeted an army convoy. Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariate-Mohammadi (TNSM) quickly claimed responsibility for the attack on behalf of the TTP.

14 TNSM, another banned terrorist outfit, is led by Maulana Fazlullah and had re-emerged in 2006. The group made headlines for taking control of large areas in the Swat Valley of the NWFP. The army, after a large operation in late 2007, recaptured the district, but TNSM militants (numbering in the hundreds) are still operating in parts of the district. The TTP’s demand for halting government military action in Swat appealed to TNSM members and will predictably lead to more collaboration between the two groups in terms of manpower, logistics and intelligence. TNSM leader Fazlullah is known for the mobile FM radio stations that he managed until recently, on which he would broadcast his radical ideology. A TTP radio broadcast in the future would be one potential sign of more cooperation between the two terrorist groups. The TTP’s denial about its involvement in Bhutto’s murder has little face value, but it is too early to reach any conclusion since the Pervez Musharraf government may be trying to shift the blame and divert attention from its own failure to provide adequate security for Bhutto. The TTP’s involvement in the killings of nine tribesmen associated with pro-government leader Maulvi Nazir on January 7 in South Waziristan, however, is near certain.

15 The Pakistani government has also circulated a list to law enforcement agencies of about a dozen important Shi`a political leaders who, according to its intelligence services, are on Baitullah Mehsud’s hit list.

16 Brief Profiles of TTP’s Senior Leaders

Baitullah Mehsud—The 34-year-old warrior belongs to South Waziristan Agency and hails from the Mehsud tribe. He did not attend schooling or religious madrasa. He shuns media and has refused to be photographed, indicating that he stands by the fanatic Talibanized version of Islam. His worldview is evident from his statement that “only jihad can bring peace to the world.”

17 He came to prominence in February 2005 when he signed a deal with the Pakistani government that it termed as his surrender, although he interpreted it as a peace deal in the interests of the tribal regions as well as Pakistan.

18 As part of the deal, he had pledged not to provide any assistance to al-Qa`ida and other militants and not to launch operations against government forces. The deal was short lived, and since 2006 he has virtually established an independent zone in parts of South Waziristan Agency, which is widely believed to be a sanctuary for al-Qa`ida and the Taliban. In private discussions, Pakistani officials also blame the United States for direct military operations in FATA, leading to the collapse of some deals. Mehsud commands a force of around 5,000 militants and has moved aggressively against Pakistan’s army in recent months, especially when he captured around 250 army soldiers in August 2007.
19 The soldiers were returned only when the government released 25 militants associated with Mehsud.

20Maulana Hafiz Gul Bahadur—Belonging to North Waziristan Agency, he has been a member of the local Taliban shura since 2005. He was also a member of the threeman signatory team, representing North Waziristan tribes, that signed the wellknown peace deal between the Pakistani government and North Waziristan in September 2006.

21The deal collapsed in July 2007. Currently, some negotiations are being held again between the government and the agency, and Bahadur is involved in these discussions. Bahadur in fact recently chaired the meeting of militants that extended an ongoing cease-fire until January 20, 2008.

22 It is noteworthy that on one hand he is part of the TTP leadership—which is openly challenging the government—while on the other hand is negotiating with the government on behalf of his home agency. It is possible that the government is trying to create a wedge between the top leaders of the TTP—a smart move if this is indeed the motivation.

Maulana Faqir Muhammad—The relatively well-profiled 39-year-old Faqir Muhammad belongs to Mohmand tribe and is known as a facilitator for al-Qa`ida.

23 He is a resident of Bajaur Agency, but was educated in the Salafist tradition in various madrasas of the NWFP. This brought him closer to the Arabs operating in the area, which also benefited him financially. This perhaps allows him to afford the personal security team that he is known to have. He came into prominence in 2005 when government forces raided his house in search of some “high-value” al-Qa`ida operatives. He was a target of a U.S. missile attack in 2006, but he escaped unhurt. He also remained close to TNSM’s founder Maulana Sufi Muhammad, who is currently in jail.Conclusion

Of the 56 suicide bombings in Pakistan in 2007, 36 were against military related targets, including two against the ISI; two against the army headquarters in Rawalpindi; one aimed at the air force in Sargodha; and one directed at the facility of the Special Services Group (SSG) in Tarbela. For many of these attacks, the government blamed Baitullah Mehsud and his associates.

This reveals the TTP’s potential now that it has additional resources and geographic reach. This new organization in fact is expected to increase the capacity of militant forces in the area and exacerbate the political instability that has gripped Pakistan in recent months. This internal engagement also perhaps largely accounts for the 40 percent decline in insurgent attacks on NATO forces in the Pakistan-Afghanistan border areas.4 The TTP, however, is bound to refocus on Afghanistan if and when its position strengthens in FATA and the NWFP. There are signs that the government is now targeting the TTP leadership, but it lacks the human intelligence required on the ground. Musharraf’s waning support within the armed forces also complicates the country’s “war on terrorism” strategy. There are many indications that some former intelligence agents and serving junior level officials of the army apparently are in league with the militants. Borrowing the words of leading Pakistani scholar Pervez Hoodbhoy, “a part of the establishment is clearly at war with another part.” In this troubling scenario, dismantling the TTP and bringing its leadership to justice is critical for Pakistan’s internal security as well as for tackling the Taliban insurgency in southern Afghanistan.

Hassan Abbas is a fellow at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government and a doctoral candidate at The Fletcher School, Tufts University. Previously, he served in the administrations of Benazir Bhutto and Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan. He is also the author of Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army and America’s War on Terror.

Notes:1. They began cutting deals with the government in 2004.2. 2 Hassan Abbas, “The Black-Turbaned Brigade: The Rise of TNSM in Pakistan,” Terrorism Monitor 4:23 (2006).3. The Herald [Karachi], February 1999.4. “Militants Form New Group,” Dawn, October 23, 2007.5. For details, see Hassan Abbas, “South Waziristan’s Maulvi Nazir: The New Face of the Taliban,” Terrorism Monitor 5:9 (2007).6. Mushtaq Yusufzai, “Militants Seek End to Military Operations,” The News, December 16, 2007.7. “Second Editorial: Tribal Areas Under Centralized Control,” Daily Times, December 16, 2007.8 Alamgir Bhettani, “Taliban Give Two Days for Swat Pullout,” Dawn, January 3, 2008.9 “Tehrik-i-Taliban Threatens Attacks in Settled Areas,” The News, January 5, 2008; “Taliban Set 7-day Deadline,” The Nation [Lahore], January 5, 2008.10 “Transcript of Alleged al-Qaida Intercept,” ABC News, December 28, 2007.11 “Mehsud Denies Killing Bhutto: Al-Qaida,” NDTV, December 29, 2007.12 Laura King, “Taliban Blamed for Attack on Bhutto,” Los Angeles Times, December 29, 2007.13 Azaz Syed, “Taliban Outfit Faces Ban,” Daily Times, December 21, 2007.14 Claude Salhani, “A Grim Year 2007 for Pakistan,” Middle East Times, December 28, 2007.15 “Nine Aides of Maulvi Nazir Killed,” Daily Times, January 8, 2008.16 Personal interview, Pakistani government official, January 5, 2008.17 Syed Shoaib Hasan, “Profile: Baitullah Mehsud,” BBC, December 28, 2007.18 Shamim Shahid, “Baitullah, Supporters, Lay Down Arms,” The Nation, February 8, 2005.19 Amir Mir, “The Most Wanted Pakistani Talib,” Pakistan Post, December 10, 2007.20 Sami Yousafzai and Ron Moreau, “Al Qaeda’s Newest Triggerman,” Newsweek, January 14, 2007.21 Rahimullah Yusufzai, “Peace Accord with Militants,” The News, September 14, 2006.22 “Five Killed in S Waziristan Clashes,” The News, January 9, 2008.23 Sohail Abdul Nasir, “Al-Zawahiri’s Pakistani Ally: Profile of Maulana Faqir Mohammed,” Terrorism Monitor 4:3 (2006).24 Jason Straziuso, “US: Afghan Border Attacks Drop 40 pct.,” Guardian, December 16, 2007.For a Pdf file of the article, click hereAlso See:47 Killed as Insurgents Take Key Fort in NW Pakistan - Washington Post, January 17, 2008Another Waziristan Fort Falls to Militants - Dawn, January 18, 2008

BAITULLAH MEHSUD

2008-01-22T23:23:00.000-08:00

Khaled Ahmed's A n a l y s i s (FRIDAY TIMES, LAHORE, APRIL 6,2005)

Abdullah Mehsud, who kidnapped two Chinese engineers at the Gomal Zam Dam, was an old Banuri Masjid warrior. After the kidnappers were stormed, one Chinese engineer was killed. Abdullah was helped by five kidnappers, two of them from South Waziristan and three from Afghanistan. Mehsud was released from Guantanamo Bay by the Americans in March 2004 after two and a half years

Baitullah Mehsud is the warlord with whom the government signed its second peace pact in February 2005. Baitullah has complete dominance over North and South Waziristan, registered as two tribal agencies under Federally Administered Territories Act (FATA). He is 30 but was only 22 when he trained as a warrior in Takhar province of Afghanistan to fight alongside the Taliban against the Northern Alliance

(Tanvir Qaiser Shahid is the rare Pakistani journalist reporting honestly on South Waziristan. He has been harassed by men sent to Lahore by someone in Peshawar. His family too has been harassed in Wah. Considering that two journalists have been gunned down in Wana in January 2005, his research and on-the-spot reporting, presented below, is of great value.)

Pakistan army started its operations in South Waziristan in January 2003 after being alerted to the presence of Al Qaeda elements there. Two years have passed since then but the trouble there doesn't seem to come to an end although it has been announced officially that out of the 6000 'foreign' terrorists, nearly 600 have been captured, 150 killed, while only 80 are left and are 'roaming around in bands'. During the operations, 200 of the Pakistan army too have been accepted officially as being killed. The campaign was highlighted by two 'pacts' signed with the local tribes, the first one at Shakai with a Wazir warlord Nek Muhammad in April 2004, which he broke and was killed the same year through a laser-guided missile; the second one at Sararogha in February 2005 with a Mehsud warlord Baitullah Mehsud, for which he was paid Rs 2 crore but which he denies.

From Nek Muhammad to Abdullah Mehsud: Writing in daily Pakistan (26 July 2004) Tanvir Qaiser Shahid stated that Al Qaeda commander Nek Muhammad who was killed by a missile in Wana was in possession of great wealth although no one knew where it had come from. In the past he had stolen cars and for a time owned a shop in Wana. After he became linked to Al Qaeda people saw a caravan of air-conditioned double-cabin wagons, land cruisers and bullet-proof cars in his possession. He got this wealth after providing shelter to the fleeing Al Qaeda members. He got married again when he became prosperous. He got Qari Tahir of Al Qaeda to pay him a big fee for getting him out of Wana and abroad. His two lieutenants Dawar Khan and Iden Khan provided two hiding places to Al Qaeda in South Waziristan for $34,000.

After the death of Nek Muhammad, another warrior named Abdullah Mehsud appeared on the scene by kidnapping two Chinese engineers. Tanvir Qaiser Shahid wrote in daily Pakistan (26 October 2004) that the man who kidnapped two Chinese engineers at the Gomal Zam Dam on 11 October 2004 in South Waziristan, was an old Banuri Masjid warrior, Abdullah Mehsud. After all negotiations failed, the kidnappers were stormed, which resulted in the death of one Chinese engineer. Abdullah was helped by five kidnappers, two of them from South Waziristan and three from Afghanistan. Mehsud, who was released from Guantanamo Bay by the Americans in March 2004 after two and a half years, demanded the release of five of his friends from jail in Pakistan as ransom. Abdullah was born in South Waziristan, was educated to FA but could not obtain commission in the army like his cousin who retired as major and is now trading in Wana. After failing to join the army, Abdullah went to Karachi and lived among the Afghan refugees and also arose to the leadership of the Pushtun transport mafia. He was taken into Deobandi seminary of Banuri Masjid by its chief, Mufti Shamzai.

The Banuri Mosque connection: Abdullah stayed there for three years and came under the influence of Mufti Jameel who taught there. Mufti Jameel was a close adviser of Mufti Shamzai and the two were representatives of the Taliban interests in Pakistan. When in 2001, ISI chief General Mehmood took a delegation to persuade Mullah Umar to desist from terrorism, Mufti Jameel was also in the delegation. Fifty-two-year old Mufti Jameel was at that time information secretary of the JUI and was a member of its Shura. He ran 150 Iqra religious schools where 50,000 took instruction. Abdullah Mehsud, after coming close to Mufti Jameel, was given the job of Mullah Umar's personal bodyguard. Abdullah was already a veteran of the war against the Northern Alliance. In October 2001 when America attacked Afghanistan he was once again at the battlefront, from where he was captured and sent to Guantanamo Bay.

The Americans failed to link Abdullah to Al Qaeda and released him in March 2004. Upon reaching Pakistan he went straight to Banuri Masjid in Karachi and paid his respects to Mufti Jameel. The Wana Operation was on then and Mufti Shamzai of Banuri Masjid had been murdered in Karachi. While Abdullah lay low in South Waziristan, another incident took place. Someone killed Mufti Jameel on 9 October 2004 along with Khatm-e-Nabuwwat cleric Maulana Taunsavi. Abdullah struck two days later and kidnapped the Chinese engineers from the Dam. Abdullah Mehsud got to know Uzbek warrior Tahir Yuldashev and Ahmadzai Wazir Nek Muhammad intimately during his training in the Al Qaeda camps in Afghanistan. While the parliamentary opposition is opposed to the Wana Operation, many are in denial about the presence of foreigners in South Waziristan. Jamaat Islami chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad has hinted that Mufti Jameel was actually killed by the state agencies.

The Karachi doctors and Jandullah: While the Operation drew on, President Musharraf announced that attempts on his life had been planned from South Waziristan, that the explosives 'were carried from South Waziristan to Multan and then to Rawalpindi'. In Karachi the corps commander narrowly escaped death at the hands a terrorist organisation Jandullah whose members too had come down from South Waziristan. In Karachi another pair of doctors were found involved after earlier discoveries in Lahore. The two had also looked after a wounded Abu Musaab Zarqavi as he fled from the war against the Americans in Afghanistan. Later, Zarqavi was to lead the terrorist campaign in Iraq.
Daily Pakistan (12 July 2004) quoted Karachi police as saying that Dr Akmal Waheed and Dr Arshad Waheed kept Al Qaeda leader Abu Musaab Zarqavi in their house in Karachi and looked after him and then sent him to South Waziristan for onward journey to Afghanistan. Both the Karachi doctors were revealed as Jandullah members by the Jandullah leader, Ataullah. The doctors had admitted that they were members of Jandullah and that they had provided medical aid to Al Qaeda members and sent men to be trained as Al Qaeda agents to Wana, to Nek Muhammad, through his brother. According to Jang the two doctors admitted that they had been members of the Jamaat Islami student wing and had maintained their links with the Jamiat Tulaba Islam till late. Zarqavi went from Karachi to Iraq where he has since been executing attacks on the Americans and the Iraqi Shia. He has also been taking Pakistanis hostage and killing them.

Enter Baitullah Mehsud from the North: As one-legged Abdullah Mehsud hid in the mountains abutting on Afghanistan, another Mehsud warrior named Baitullah Mehsud came on the scene. This is the warlord with whom the government signed its second peace pact in February 2005. Baitullah has complete dominance over North and South Waziristan, registered as two tribal agencies under Federally Administered Territories Act (FATA). He is 30 but was only 22 when he trained as warrior in Takhar province of Afghanistan to fight alongside the Taliban against the Northern Alliance. He was brought close to the Taliban leadership by Nek Muhammad who was already in charge of a training camp in Afghanistan. He also fought against the Americans before fleeing to South Waziristan. The government's pact of Sararogha with him is an effort to isolate Abdullah Mehsud. The pact did not contain the condition that he must present the 'foreign terrorists' taking shelter with him for registration; it simply bound him not to attack the Pakistan army or state assets and not give shelter to foreign terrorists. It did not bind him to laying down arms or not fighting across the Durand Line.

Baitullah Mehsud addressed his tribe after the Sararogha pact and clearly swore allegiance to Mullah Umar of the Taliban. His power over the two agencies is owed to his wealth and his ability to wage war. He goes around in a bullet-proof car and is followed around by 30 armed guards. Like Nek Muhammad, he too has two wives and has three castle-like houses in North and South Waziristan. Although he is not a tribal leader by lineage or by election, he is more respected as a warlord by the people of the two agencies than any other person. Although he denies that he received Rs 20 million (2 crore) from the secret funds of the government without signing a receipt, corps commander Peshawar General Safdar Hussain is on record as saying that the money was indeed set aside for him.

The big two-way payoff: The sociology and pattern of tribal leadership has changed since the Al Qaeda Arabs arrived in the territory. After the Taliban defeat in Afghanistan, the Arabs showed a lot of generosity to the tribal population here. Daily Times Washington correspondent Khalid Hasan reported on 17 February 2005: 'Christian Science Monitor correspondent in Pakistan Owais Tohid writes, quoting intelligence sources and for some facts, South Waziristan official Asmatullah Gandapur, that al Qaeda lured tribal militants with huge sums of money, and registers were maintained for recording salaries for local fighters. "The fighters used to get a 15,000 rupee (around $250) monthly salary. The commanders used to get advances running into millions for arms and ammunition, communication, and Land Cruisers," a local intelligence official told the correspondent. Tribesmen benefited by renting out their compounds for shelter and training camps, and providing food to foreign militants.

"A chicken worth 60 rupees (a dollar) would be sold to al Qaeda for 900 rupees ($15) and a bag of sugar worth 950 rupees ($7) would be provided for 9,000 rupees (around $150)," tribesman Mohammad Noor recalled. Similarly, a compound, which is usually rented out for $17 to $25, would be given to al Qaeda as a training camp or hideout for around $10,000. Most of al Qaeda's money was transferred from Arab countries through hawala . Some locals even witnessed al Qaeda operatives roaming around South Waziristan with bags full of dollars. "Once I visited my cousin in a remote village where everybody was talking about a rich bearded Arab distributing money among villagers. Later I came to know he was a big financier," said tribesman Farid Khan, referring to Saad bin Khadr, who was killed in a military operation in October 2003.'
This is part one of a two-part report on South Waziristan. The second instalment will be published next week.
www.thefridaytimes.com